Der Stürmer

The official blog of the site "Der Stürmer" – http://der-stuermer.org

Category: Revisionism

The Bad War – The REAL History of World War II That You Were Never Told

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By: Mike King

245 pages / 500 + illustrations

CONTENTS

 INTRODUCTION

SECTION 1: Seeds of the World Wars / 1848-1913 .

SECTION 2:.World War I & Fall of Russia / 1914-1918

SECTION 3: Nationalism vs Globalism / 1919-1933

SECTION 4: The Plot to Destroy Germany / 1933-1939

SECTION 5: World War II (Part 1)

SECTION 6: World War II (Part 2)

SECTION 7: The Aftermath of World War II / 1945-1950

CLOSING STATEMENT

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The Persecution of Hervé Ryssen

Source: http://www.renegadetribune.com/persecution-herve-ryssen/

By Willem Felderhof

As you know the persecution of people who dare to address the Jewish question is ever escalating worldwide. France is one of the worst places. Like Monika Schaefer, Ursula Haverbeck, Sylvia Stolz in Germany and Alison Chabloz in UK and many more, Hervé Ryssen is persecuted for the serving the Truth in France. He is an example and inspiration for those who really want to serve the Truth and humanity. Hervé Ryssen has witten several books about Judaism the and the Jewish question in general. “Understanding the Jews, Understanding Anti-Semitism” is a summary of six books written by Hervé Ryssen, published between 2005 and 2010, constituting the most important study on the Jewish mind ever published. (https://katana17.wordpress.com/2014/10/21/understanding-the-jews-understanding-anti-semitism-part-1/)

In the short video of which you’ll find the link below, Hervé Ryssen gives an update on his judicial situation. Although still free, chances are that he will be re-imprisoned pretty soon.

His update is upsetting for those who still think that speaking Truth is some sort of game. At the same time it is sobering and very inspiring.

Despite the fact that Hervé mostly quotes Jews themselves he is being persecuted relentlessly. He has been imprisoned several months for tweets like:

The Jews are primarily responsible for the massacre of thirty million Christians in the USSR between 1917 and 1947”

and:

Uncomplicated: as long as you do not accuse the Jews of their innumerable crimes, they will accuse you of their own.”

In total he has already been convicted for 11 months only for tweets and Facebook posts. He was sentenced for 6 months alone for just sharing a photo compilation about WW2 on Twitter. And more is coming.

To raise awareness for his situation and to give people a reality check of what is happening and coming, please share his latest update:

Adolf Hitler’s Place in History

A lecture by Mark Weber, director of the Institute for Historical Review – about Adolf Hitler’s place in history.

Photographic Evidence vs The Holocaust

By Ernst Zündel , John Clive Ball

Aerial photo interpreter John Ball discusses the disconnect between the Holocaust story and the real photo evidence.

Sylvia Stolz – Lecture

An Overall objective lecture, asking very relevant questions about a Taboo subject that has made illegal to do free inquiries into this topic and anyone that surrounds it.

The Jews and the Russian Revolution

Source: http://www.renegadetribune.com/jews-russian-revolution/

This is Hervé Ryssen’s 2017 documentary about the bloody Bolshevik revolution and the horrors that these revolutionary jews unleashed.

The Day of the Aryan Awakening

Source of the text: How Hitler Consolidated Power in Germany and Launched A Social Revolution by general Leon Degrellé

We have the power. Now our gigantic work begins.“

Those were Hitler’s words on the night of January 30, 1933, as cheering crowds surged past him, for five long hours, beneath the windows of the Chancellery in Berlin.

His political struggle had lasted 14 years. He himself was 43, that is, physically and intellectually at the peak of his powers. He had won over millions of Germans and organized them into Germany’s largest and most dynamic political party, a party girded by a human rampart of hundreds of thousands of storm troopers, three fourths of them members of the working class. He had been extremely shrewd. All but toying with his adversaries, Hitler had, one after another, vanquished them all.

Standing there at the window, his arm raised to the delirious throng, he must have known a feeling of triumph. But he seemed almost torpid, absorbed, as if lost in another world.

It was a world far removed from the delirium in the street, a world of 65 million citizens who loved him or hated him, but all of whom, from that night on, had become his responsibility. And as he knew – as almost all Germans knew at the of January 1933 – that this was a crushing, an almost desperate responsibility.

Seventy years later, few people understand the crisis Germany faced at that time. Today, it’s easy to assume that Germans have always been well-fed and even plump. But the Germans Hitler inherited were virtual skeletons.

During the preceding years, a score of „democratic“ governments had come and gone, often in utter confusion. Instead of alleviating the people’s misery, they had increased it, due to their own instability: it was impossible for them to pursue any given plan for more than a year or two. Germany had arrived at a dead end. In just a few years there had been 224,000 suicides – a horrifying figure, bespeaking a state of misery even more horrifying.

By the beginning of 1933, the misery of the German people was virtually universal. At least six million unemployed and hungry workers roamed aimlessly through the streets, receiving a pitiful unemployment benefit of less than 42 marks per month. Many of those out of work had families to feed, so that altogether some 20 million Germans, a third of the country’s population, were reduced to trying to survive on about 40 pfennigs per person per day.

Unemployment benefits, moreover, were limited to a period of six months. After that came only the meager misery allowance dispensed by the welfare offices.

Notwithstanding the gross inadequacy of this assistance, by trying to save the six million unemployed from total destruction, even for just six months, both the state and local branches of the German government saw themselves brought to ruin: in 1932 alone such aid had swallowed up four billion marks, 57 percent of the total tax revenues of the federal government and the regional states. A good many German municipalities were bankrupt.

Those still lucky enough to have some kind of job were not much better off. Workers and employees had taken a cut of 25 percent in their wages and salaries. Twenty-one percent of them were earning between 100 and 250 marks per month; 69.2 percent of them, in January of 1933, were being paid less than 1,200 marks annually. No more than about 100,000 Germans, it was estimated, were able to live without financial worries.

During the three years before Hitler came to power, total earnings had fallen by more than half, from 23 billion marks to 11 billion. The average per capita income had dropped from 1,187 marks in 1929 to 627 marks, a scarcely tolerable level, in 1932. By January 1933, when Hitler took office, 90 percent of the German people were destitute.

No one escaped the strangling effects of the unemployment. The intellectuals were hit as hard as the working class. Of the 135,000 university graduates, 60 percent were without jobs. Only a tiny minority was receiving unemployment benefits.

„The others,“ wrote one foreign observer, Marcel Laloire (in his book New Germany), „are dependent on their parents or are sleeping in flophouses. In the daytime they can be seen on the boulevards of Berlin wearing signs on their backs to the effect that they will accept any kind of work.“

But there was no longer any kind of work.

The same drastic fall-off had hit Germany’s cottage industry, which comprised some four million workers. Its turnover had declined 55 percent, with total sales plunging from 22 billion to 10 billion marks.

Hardest hit of all were construction workers; 90 percent of them were unemployed.

Farmers, too, had been ruined, crushed by losses amounting to 12 billion marks. Many had been forced to mortgage their homes and their land. In 1932 just the interest on the loans they had incurred due to the crash was equivalent to 20 percent of the value of the agricultural production of the entire country. Those who were no longer able to meet the interest payments saw their farms auctioned off in legal proceedings: in the years 1931-1932, 17,157 farms – with a combined total area of 462,485 hectares – were liquidated in this way.

The „democracy“ of Germany’s „Weimar Republic“ (1918 – 1933) had proven utterly ineffective in addressing such flagrant wrongs as this impoverishment of millions of farm workers, even though they were the nation’s most stable and hardest working citizens. Plundered, dispossessed, abandoned: small wonder they heeded Hitler’s call.

Their situation on January 30, 1933, was tragic. Like the rest of Germany’s working class, they had been betrayed by their political leaders, reduced to the alternatives of miserable wages, paltry and uncertain benefit payments, or the outright humiliation of begging.

Germany’s industries, once renowned everywhere in the world, were no longer prosperous, despite the millions of marks in gratuities that the financial magnates felt obliged to pour into the coffers of the parties in power before each election in order to secure their cooperation. For 14 years the well-blinkered conservatives and Christian democrats of the political center had been feeding at the trough just as greedily as their adversaries of the left.

Nor did the bribing of the political parties make them any more capable of coping with the exactions ordered by the Treaty of Versailles. France, in 1923, had effectively seized Germany by the throat with her occupation of the Ruhr industrial region, and in six months had brought the Weimar government to pitiable capitulation. But then, disunited, despising one another, how could these political birds of passage have offered resistance? In just a few months in 1923, seven German governments came and went in swift succession. They had no choice but to submit to the humiliation of Allied control, as well as to the separatist intrigues fomented by Poincaré’s paid agents.

The substantial tariffs imposed on the sale of German goods abroad had sharply curtailed the nation’s ability to export her products. Under obligation to pay gigantic sums to their conquerors, the Germans had paid out billions upon billions. Then, bled dry, they were forced to seek recourse to enormous loans from abroad, from the United States in particular.

This indebtedness had completed their destruction and, in 1929, precipitated Germany into a terrifying financial crisis.

The big industrialists, for all their fat bribes to the politicians, now found themselves impotent: their factories empty, their workers now living as virtual vagrants, haggard of face, in the dismal nearby working-class districts.

Thousands of German factories lay silent, their smokestacks like a forest of dead trees. Many had gone under. Those which survived were operating on a limited basis. Germany’s gross industrial production had fallen by half: from seven billion marks in 1920 to three and a half billion in 1932.

The automobile industry provides a perfect example. Germany’s production in 1932 was proportionately only one twelfth that of the United States, and only one fourth that of France: 682,376 cars in Germany (one for each 100 inhabitants) as against 1,855,174 cars in France, even though the latter’s population was 20 million less than Germany’s.

Germany had experienced a similar collapse in exports. Her trade surplus had fallen from 2.872 billion marks in 1931 to only 667 millions in 1932 – nearly a 75 percent drop.

Overwhelmed by the cessation of payments and the number of current accounts in the red, even Germany’s central bank was disintegrating. Harried by demands for repayment of the foreign loans, on the day of Hitler’s accession to power the Reichsbank had in all only 83 million marks in foreign currency, 64 million of which had already been committed for disbursement on the following day.

The astronomical foreign debt, an amount exceeding that of the country’s total exports for three years, was like a lead weight on the back of every German. And there was no possibility of turning to Germany’s domestic financial resources for a solution: banking activities had come virtually to a standstill. That left only taxes.

Unfortunately, tax revenues had also fallen sharply. From nine billion marks in 1930, total revenue from taxes had fallen to 7.8 billion in 1931, and then to 6.65 billion in 1932 (with unemployment payments alone taking four billion of that amount).

The financial debt burden of regional and local authorities, amounting to billions, had likewise accumulated at a fearful pace. Beset as they were by millions of citizens in need, the municipalities alone owed 6.542 billion in 1928, an amount that had increased to 11.295 billion by 1932. Of this total, 1.668 billion was owed in short-term loans.

Any hope of paying off these deficits with new taxes was no longer even imaginable. Taxes had already been increased 45 percent from 1925 to 1931. During the years 1931-1932, under Chancellor Brüning, a Germany of unemployed workers and industrialists with half-dead factories had been hit with 23 „emergency“ decrees. This multiple overtaxing, moreover, had proven to be completely useless, as the „International Bank of Payments“ had clearly foreseen. The agency confirmed in a statement that the tax burden in Germany was already so enormous that it could not be further increased.

And so, in one pan of the financial scales: 19 billion in foreign debt plus the same amount in domestic debt. In the other, the Reichsbank’s 83 million marks in foreign currency. It was as if the average German, owing his banker a debt of 6,000 marks, had less than 14 marks in his pocket to pay it.

One inevitable consequence of this ever-increasing misery and uncertainty about the future was an abrupt decline in the birthrate. When your household savings are wiped out, and when you fear even greater calamities in the days ahead, you do not risk adding to the number of your dependents.

In those days the birth rate was a reliable barometer of a country’s prosperity. A child is a joy, unless you have nothing but a crust of bread to put in its little hand. And that’s just the way it was with hundreds of thousands of German families in 1932.

In 1905, during the reign of Kaiser Wilhelm II, the birthrate had been 33.4 per one thousand. In 1921 it was only 25.9, and in 1924 it was down to 15.1. By the of 1932, it had fallen to just 14.7 per one thousand.

It reached that figure, moreover, thanks only to the higher birth rate in rural areas. In the fifty largest cities of the Reich, there were more deaths than births. In 45 percent of working-class families, there were no births at all in the latter years. The fall in the birthrate was most pronounced in Berlin, which had less than one child per family and only 9.1 births per one thousand. Deaths exceeded the number of new births by 60 percent.

In contrast to the birthrate, politicians were flourishing as never before – about the only thing in Germany that was in those disastrous times. From 1919 to 1932, Germany had seen no less than 23 governments come and go, averaging a new one about every seven months. As any sensible person realizes, such constant upheaval in a country’s political leadership negates its power and authority. No one would imagine that any effective work could be carried out in a typical industrial enterprise if the board of directors, the management, management methods, and key personnel were all replaced every eight months. Failure would be certain.

Yet the Reich wasn’t a factory of 100 or 200 workers, but a nation of 65 million citizens crushed under the imposed burdens of the Treaty of Versailles, by industrial stagnation, by frightful unemployment, and by a gut-wrenching misery shared by the entire people.

The many cabinet ministers who followed each other in swift succession for thirteen years – due to petty parliamentary squabbles, partisan demands, and personal ambitions – were unable to achieve anything other than the certain collapse of their chaotic regime of rival parties.

Germany’s situation was further aggravated by the unrestrained competition of the 25 regional states, which split up governmental authority into units often in direct opposition to Berlin, thereby incessantly sabotaging what limited power the central Reich government had at that time.

Even at the beginning of the First World War (1914-1918), the German Reich included four distinct kingdoms (Prussia, Bavaria, Wurttemberg and Saxony), each with its own sovereign, army, flag, titles of nobility, and Great Cross in particolored enamel. In addition, there were six grand duchies, five duchies, seven principalities, and three free cities.

Each regional state had its own separate government with parliament, prime minister and cabinet. Altogether they presented a lineup of 59 ministers who, added to the eleven Reich ministers and the 42 senators of the Free Cities, gave the Germans a collection of 112 ministers, each of whom viewed the other with a jaundiced eye at best.

In addition, there were between two and three thousand deputies – representing dozens of rival political parties – in the legislatures of the Reich, the 22 states and the three Free Cities.

In the Reichstag elections of November 1932 – held just months before Hitler become Chancellor – there were no less than 37 different political parties competing, with a total of 7,000 candidates (14 of them by proxy), all of them frantically seeking a piece of the parliamentary pie. It was most strange: the more discredited the party system became, the more democratic champions there were to be seen gesturing and jostling in their eagerness to climb aboard the gravy train.

Honest, dishonest, or piratical, these 112 cabinet ministers and thousands of legislative deputies had converted Germany into a country that was ungovernable. It is incontestable that, by January of 1933, the „system“ politicians had become completely discredited. Their successors would inherit a country in economic, social and political ruins.

Today, more than half a century later, in an era when so many are living in abundance, it is hard to believe that the Germany of January 1933 had fallen so low. But for anyone who studies the archives and the relevant documents of that time, there can be no doubt. Not a single figure cited here is invented. By January 1933, Germany was down and bleeding to death.

All the previous chancellors who had undertaken to get Germany back on her feet – including Brüning, Papen and Shleiher – had failed. Only a genius or, as some believed, a madman, could revive a nation that had fallen into such a state of complete disarray.

When President Franklin Roosevelt was called upon at that same time to resolve a similar crisis in the United States, he had at his disposal immense reserves of gold. Hitler, standing silently at the chancellery window on that evening of January 30, 1933, knew that, on the contrary, his nation’s treasury was empty. No great benefactor would appear to help him out. The elderly Reich President, Paul von Hindenburg, had given him a work sheet of appalling figures of indebtedness.

Hitler knew that he would be starting from zero. From less than zero. But he was also confident of his strength of will to create Germany anew – politically, socially, financially, and economically. Now legally and officially in power, he was sure that he could quickly convert that cipher into a Germany more powerful than ever before.

„It will be the pride of my life,“ Hitler said upon becoming Chancellor, „if I can say at the end of my days that I won back the German worker and restored him to his rightful place in the Reich.“ He meant that he intended not merely to put men back to work, but to make sure that the worker acquired not just rights, but prestige as well, within the national community.

The objective, then, was far greater than merely sing six million unemployed back to work. It was to achieve a total revolution.

„The people,“ Hitler declared, „were not put here on earth for the sake of the economy, and the economy doesn’t exist for the sake of capital. On the contrary, capital is meant to serve the economy, and the economy in turn to serve the people.“

The Social Revolution

It took several years for a stable social structure to emerge from the French Revolution. The Soviets needed even more time: five years after the Bolshevik revolution of 1917, hundreds of thousands of Russians were still dying of hunger and disease. In Germany, by contrast, the great machinery was in motion within months, with organization and accomplishment quickly meshing together.

The single task of constructing a national highway system that was without parallel in the world might have occupied a government for years. First, the problem had to be studied and assessed. Then, with due consideration for the needs of the population and the economy, the highway system had to be carefully planned it all its particulars.

As usual, Hitler had been remarkably farsighted. The concrete highways would be 24 meters in width. They would be spanned by hundreds of bridges and overpasses. To make sure that the entire Autobahn network would be in harmony with the landscape, a great deal of natural rock would be utilized. The artistically planned roadways would come together and diverge as if they were large-scale works of art. The necessary service stations and motor inns would be thoughtfully integrated into the overall scheme, each facility built in harmony with the local landscape and architectural style.

The original plan called for 7,000 kilometers of roadway. This projection would later be increased to 10,000, and then, after Austria was reunited with Germany, to 11,000 kilometers.

The financial boldness equalled the technical vision. These expressways were toll free, which seemed foolhardy to conservative financiers. But the savings in time and labor, and the dramatic increase in traffic, brought increased tax revenues, notably from gasoline.

Germany was thus building for herself not only a vast highway network, but an avenue to economic prosperity.

These greatly expanded transport facilities encouraged the development of hundreds of new business enterprises along the new expressways. By eliminating congestion on secondary roads, the new highways stimulated travel by hundreds of thousands of tourists, and with it increased tourism commerce.

Even the wages paid out to the men who built the Reichsautobahn network brought considerable indirect benefits. First, they allowed a drastic cut in payments of unemployment benefits, or 25 percent of the total paid in wages. Second, the many workers employed in constructing the expressways – 100,000, and later 150,000 – spent much of the additional 75 percent, which in turn generated increased tax revenues.

Hitler’s plan to build thousands of low-cost homes also demanded a vast mobilization of manpower. He had envisioned housing that would be attractive, cozy, and affordable for millions of ordinary German working-class families. He had no intention of continuing to tolerate, as his predecessors had, cramped, ugly „rabbit warren“ housing for the German people. The great barracks-like housing projects on the outskirts of factory towns, packed with cramped families, disgusted him.

The greater part of the houses he would build were single story, detached dwellings, with small yards where children could romp, wives could grow vegetable and flower gardens, while the bread-winners could read their newspapers in peace after the day’s work. These single-family homes were built to conform to the architectural styles of the various German regions, retaining as much as possible the charming local variants.

Wherever there was no practical alternative to building large apartment complexes, Hitler saw to it that the individual apartments were spacious, airy and enhanced by surrounding lawns and gardens where the children could play safely.

The new housing was, of course, built in conformity with the highest standards of public health, a consideration notoriously neglected in previous working-class projects.

Generous loans, amortizable in ten years, were granted to newly married couples so they could buy their own homes. At the birth of each child, a fourth of the debt was cancelled. Four children, at the normal rate of a new arrival every two and a half years, sufficed to cancel the entire loan debt.

Even before the year 1933 had ended, Hitler had succeeded in building 202,119 housing units. Within four years he would provide the German people with nearly a million and a half (1,458,128) new dwellings!

Moreover, workers would no longer be exploited as they had been. A month’s rent for a worker could not exceed 26 marks, or about an eighth of the average wage then. Employees with more substantial salaries paid monthly rents of up to 45 marks maximum.

Equally effective social measures were taken in behalf of farmers, who had the lowest incomes. In 1933 alone 17,611 new farm houses were built, each of them surrounded by a parcel of land one thousand square meters in size. Within three years, Hitler would build 91,000 such farmhouses. The rental for such dwellings could not legally exceed a modest share of the farmer’s income. This unprecedented owment of land and housing was only one feature of a revolution that soon dramatically improved the living standards of the Reich’s rural population.

The great work of national construction rolled along. An additional 100,000 workers quickly found employment in repairing the nation’s secondary roads. Many more were hired to work on canals, dams, drainage and irrigation projects, helping to make fertile some of nation’s most barren regions.

Everywhere industry was hiring again, with some firms – like Krupp, IG Farben and the large automobile manufacturers – taking on new workers on a very large scale. As the country became more prosperous, car sales increased by more than 80,000 units in 1933 alone. Employment in the auto industry doubled. Germany was gearing up for full production, with private industry leading the way.

The new government lavished every assistance on the private sector, the chief factor in employment as well as production. Hitler almost immediately made available 500 million marks in credits to private business.

This start-up assistance given to German industry would repay itself many times over. Soon enough, another two billion marks would be loaned to the most enterprising companies. Nearly half would go into new wages and salaries, saving the treasury an estimated three hundred million marks in unemployment benefits. Added to the hundreds of millions in tax receipts spurred by the business recovery, the state quickly recovered its investment, and more.

Hitler’s entire economic policy would be based on the following equation: risk large sums to undertake great public works and to spur the renewal and modernization of industry, then later recover the billions invested through invisible and painless tax revenues. It didn’t take long for Germany to see the results of Hitler’s recovery formula.

Economic recovery, as important as it was, nevertheless wasn’t Hitler’s only objective. As he strived to restore full employment, Hitler never lost sight of his goal of creating a organization powerful enough to stand up to capitalist owners and managers, who had shown little concern for the health and welfare of the entire national community.

One of the first labor reforms to benefit the German workers was the establishment of annual paid vacation. The Socialist French Popular Front, in 1936, would make a show of having invented the concept of paid vacation, and stingily at that, only one week per year. But Adolf Hitler originated the idea, and two or three times as generously, from the first month of his coming to power in 1933.

Every factory employee from then on would have the legal right to a paid vacation. Until then, in Germany paid holidays where they applied at all did not exceed four or five days, and nearly half the younger workers had no leave entitlement at all. Hitler, on the other hand, favored the younger workers. Vacations were not handed out blindly, and the youngest workers were granted time off more generously. It was a humane action; a young person has more need of rest and fresh air for the development of his strength and vigor just coming into maturity. Basic vacation time was twelve days, and then from age 25 on it went up to 18 days. After ten years with the company, workers got 21 days, three times what the French socialists would grant the workers of their country in 1936.

These figures may have been surpassed in the more than half a century since then, but in 1933 they far exceeded European norms. As for overtime hours, they no longer were paid, as they were everywhere else in Europe at that time, at just the regular hourly rate. The work day itself had been reduced to a tolerable norm of eight hours, since the forty-hour week as well, in Europe, was first initiated by Hitler. And beyond that legal limit, each additional hour had to be paid at a considerably increased rate. As another innovation, work breaks were made longer; two hours every day in order to let the worker relax and to make use of the playing fields that the large industries were required to provide.

Dismissal of an employee was no longer left as before the sole discretion of the employer. In that era, workers’ rights to job security were non-existent. Hitler saw to it that those rights were strictly spelled out. The employer had to announce any dismissal four weeks in advance. The employee then had a period of up to two months in which to lodge a protest. The dismissal could also be annulled by the Honor of Work Tribunal. What was the Honor of Work Tribunal? Also called the Tribunal of Social Honor, it was the third of the three great elements or layers of protection and defense that were to the benefit of every German worker. The first was the Council of Trust. The second was the Labor Commission.

The Council of Trust was charged with attending to the establishment and the development of a real community spirit between management and labor. „In any business enterprise“, the Reich law stated, „the employer and head of the enterprise, the employees and workers, personnel of the enterprise, shall work jointly towards the goal of the enterprise and the common good of the nation.“

Neither would any longer be the victim of the other-not the worker facing the arbitrariness of the employer nor the employer facing the blackmail of strikes for political purposes. Article 35 of the Reich labor law stated that: „Every member of an Aryan enterprise community shall assume the responsibilities required by his position in the said common enterprise.“ In other words, at the head of the company or the enterprise would be a living, breathing executive in charge, not a moneybags with unconditional power. „The interest of the community may require that an incapable or unworthy employer be relieved of his duties“

The employer would no longer be inaccessible and all-powerful, authoritatively determining the conditions of hiring and firing his staff. He, too, would be subject to the workshop regulations, which he would have to respect, exactly as the least of his employees. The law conferred honor and responsibility on the employer only insofar as he merited it.

Every business enterprise of 20 or more persons was to have its „Council of Trust“. The two to ten members of this council would be chosen from among the staff by the head of the enterprise. The ordinance of application of 10 March 1934 of the above law further stated: „The staff shall be called upon to decide for or against the established list in a secret vote, and all salaried employees, including apprentices of 21 years of age or older, will take part in the vote. Voting shall be done by putting a number before the names of the candidates in order of preference, or by striking out certain names.“

In contrast to the business councils of the preceding régime, the Council of Trust was no longer an instrument of class, but one of teamwork of the classes, composed of delegates of the staff as well as the head of the enterprise. The one could no longer act without the other. Compelled to coordinate their interests, though formerly rivals, they would now cooperate to establish by mutual consent the regulations which were to determine working conditions.

Every 30th of April, on the eve of the great national labor holiday, council duties ceased and the councils were renewed, pruning out conservatism or petrifaction and cutting short the arrogance of dignitaries who might have thought themselves beyond criticism.

It was up to the enterprise itself to pay a salary to members of the Council of Trust, just as if they were employed in the work area, and „to assume all costs resulting from the regular fulfillment of the duties of the Council“.

The second agency that would ensure the orderly development of the new German social system was the institution of the „Workers’ Commissioners“. They would essentially be conciliators and arbitrators. When gears were grinding, they were the ones who would have to apply the grease. They would see to it that the Councils of trust were functioning harmoniously to ensure that regulations of a given business enterprise were being carried out to the letter.

They were divided among 13 large districts covering the territory of the Reich. As arbitrators they were not dependent upon either owners or workers. They had total independence in the field. They were appointed by the state, which represented both the interests of everyone in the enterprise and the interests of society at large.

In order that their decisions should never be unfounded or arbitrary, they had to rely on the advice of a „Consulting Council of Experts“ which consisted of 18 members selected from various sections of the economy in a representation of sorts of the interests of each territorial district.

To ensure still further the objectivity of their arbitration decisions, a third agency was superimposed on the Councils of Trust and the 13 Commissioners, the Tribunal of Social Honor.

Thus from 1933 on, the German worker had a system of justice at his disposal that was created especially for him and would adjudicate all grave infractions of the social duties based on the idea of the Aryan enterprise community. Examples of these violations of social honor are cases where the employer, abusing his power, displayed ill will towards his staff or impugned the honor of his subordinates, cases where staff members threatened work harmony by spiteful agitation; the publication by members of the Council of confidential information regarding the enterprise which they became cognizant of in the course of discharging their duties. Thirteen „Tribunes of Social Honor“ were established, corresponding with the thirteen commissions.

The presiding judge was not a fanatic; he was a career judge who rose above disputes. Meanwhile the enterprise involved was not left out of the proceedings; the judge was seconded by two assistant judges, one representing the management, another a member of the Council of Trust.

This tribunal, the same as any other court of law, had the means of enforcing its decisions. But there were nuances. Decisions could be limited in mild cases to a remonstrance. They could also hit the guilty party with fines of up to 10,000 marks. Other very special sanctions were provided for that were precisely adapted to the social circumstances; change of employment, dismissal of the head of the enterprise or his agent who had failed in his duty. In case of a contested decision, the legal dispute could always be taken up to a Supreme Court seated in Berlin-a fourth level of protection.

This was only the end of 1933, and already the first effects could be felt. The factories and shops large and small were reformed or transformed in conformity with the strictest standards of cleanliness and hygiene; the interior areas, so often dilapidated, opened to light; playing fields constructed; rest areas made available where one could converse at one’s ease and relax during rest periods; employee cafeterias; proper dressing rooms.

With time, that is to say in three years, those achievements would take on dimensions never before imagined; more than 2,000 factories refitted and beautified; 23,000 work premises modernized; 800 buildings designed exclusively for meetings; 1,200 playing fields; 13,000 sanitary facilities with running water; 17,000 cafeterias. Eight hundred departmental inspectors and 17,300 local inspectors would foster and closely and continuously supervise these renovations and installations.

The large industrial establishments moreover had been given the obligation of preparing areas not only suitable for sports activities of all minds, but provided with swimming pools as well. Germany had come a long way from the sinks for washing one’s face and the dead tired workers, grown old before their time, crammed into squalid courtyards during work breaks.

In order to ensure the natural development of the working class, physical education courses were instituted for the younger workers; 8,000 such were organized. Technical training would be equally emphasized, with the creation of hundreds of work schools, technical courses and examinations of professional competence, and competitive examinations for the best workers for which large prizes were awarded.

To rejuvenate young and old alike, Hitler ordered that a gigantic vacation organization for workers be set up. Hundreds of thousands of workers would be able every summer to relax on and at the sea. Magnificent cruise ships would be built. Special trains would carry vacationers to the mountains and to the seashore. The locomotives that hauled the innumerable worker-tourists in just a few years of travel in Germany would log a distance equivalent to fifty-four times around the world!

The cost of these popular excursions was nearly insignificant, thanks to greatly reduced rates authorized by the Reichsbank.

The National Labor Service

Hitler created the National Labor Service not only to alleviate unemployment, but to bring together, in absolute equality, and in the same uniform, both the sons of millionaires and the sons of the poorest families for several months’ common labor and living.

All performed the same work, all were subject to the same discipline; they enjoyed the same pleasures and benefited from the same physical and moral development. At the same construction sites and in the same barracks, Germans became conscious of what they had in common, grew to understand one another, and discarded their old prejudices of class and caste.

After a hitch in the National Labor Service, a young worker knew that the rich man’s son was not a pampered monster, while the young lad of wealthy family knew that the worker’s son had no less honor than a nobleman or an heir to riches; they had lived and worked together as comrades. Social hatred was vanishing, and a socially united people was being born.

From the first months of 1933, his accomplishments were public fact, for all to see. Before end of the year, unemployment in Germany had fallen from more than 6,000,000 to 3,374,000. Thus, 2,627,000 jobs had been created since the previous February, when Hitler began his „gigantic task!“ A simple question: Who in Europe ever achieved similar results in so short a time?

Not without reason were the swastika banners waving proudly throughout the working-class districts where, just a year ago, they had been unceremoniously torn down.

Memorabilia: Mark Weber on Revisionism and Politics

by Mark Weber

German-American Historian Mark Weber talks about the need of revisionism and the role it plays on dogmatic history “made” by the State.

Patton Assassinated to Suppress His Criticism of Post-War Policy

Source: http://www.renegadetribune.com/patton-assassinated-suppress-criticism-post-war-policy/

By Russ Winter

Before his death in 1999, an OSS special agent openly talked about his role in incapacitating Gen. George S. Patton (1885-1945) via a staged automobile fender bender on Dec. 9, 1945. Using the pandemonium of the traffic collision as a distraction, agent Douglas DeWitt Bazata sniped Patton in the neck with a specially made gun firing a non-piercing bolt. Patton survived the incident with a dislocation of a vertebrae and never knew what hit him.

The government assassin first publicly confessed his guilt in the plot decades ago in front of a journalist at an OSS reunion dinner in D.C. Later, Bazata also confessed his role to author Robert K. Wilcox, who wrote the book “Target Patton.” Wilcox’s cousin and researcher Tim Wilcox discusses the circumstances in the video below. Bazata was an active special agent and assassin during and after WWII.

Major Gen. William J. Donovan, head of the OSS

The assassin recounted that OSS Chief William Donovan had personally ordered the killing on the grounds that Patton had “gone crazy” and was becoming a major threat to American national interests.

A newspaper that also carried an interview claimed that it had “a professional analyst subject Bazata’s interview to the rigors of a content analysis using a Psychological Stress Evaluator (P.S.E.) His report: Bazata gives no evidence of lying.” More details can be gleaned in this article.

On Dec. 9, 1945, a truck swerved in front of Patton’s limo. It was driven by a corporal who then disappeared. Patton survived with a dislocation of vertebrae from Bazata’s weapon and was taken to a hospital in more distant Heidelberg rather than in nearby Mannheim.

As Patton was recovering, he held a press conference and declared he was going home. Then, he was injected or poisoned in the hospital and died suddenly on Dec. 21, 1945. There is a backstory that NKVD agents got to him, but that wouldn’t have been necessary.

Bazata claimed that he knows who killed him, and that Patton was killed by a dose of cyanide in the hospital. No autopsy was done, which is highly suspicious. Bazata went on to say that he met an unidentified man whom he knew only as a “Pole” (Polish extraction), who was also ordered to kill Patton.

Several official reports were produced regarding the exact circumstances of the very strange traffic accident said to be responsible for his death, but all of these reports have completely disappeared from U.S. government files. The medical reports disappeared, and archival records are strangely scrubbed.

Weak link in story? Patton stopped en route at a Roman ruin located on a hill along the roadside. Bazata put a jam into the window of Patton’s auto that would leave a four inch gap for a shot to the target. There are very few images of the limo online and now no accident reports either. However this one is of interest. It shows a white colored tag sticking out of the window, door area where Patton was seated. The window itself is blurry, but you can see some interior detail. Was this window indeed partially open – thus confirming Bazata’s claim?

Plenty of Motive for Assassination: George Patton’s Interpretive Framework

Patton had planned to write his memoirs, illustrating that eastern Europe was tossed to the Soviet Union. The reason for the hit on Patton were his views put forth on Oct. 22, 1945, in a long letter to Maj. Gen. James G. Harbord. Once the powers that be realized Patton would retire and be outspoken, the plan was put into place. This “car accident” took place shortly before his scheduled departure home, and he had narrowly escaped death twice before under very strange circumstances.

In the letter, Patton had bitterly condemned the Morgenthau policy; Eisenhower’s pusillanimous behavior in the face of Jewish demands; the strong pro-Soviet bias in the press; and the politicization, corruption, degradation and the demoralization of the U.S. Army, from this bad policy. He saw this as a deliberate goal of America’s enemies.

I have been just as furious as you at the compilation of lies which the communist and Semitic elements of our government have leveled against me and practically every other commander. In my opinion it is a deliberate attempt to alienate the soldier vote from the commanders, because the communists know that soldiers are not communistic, and they fear what eleven million votes (of veterans) would do.”

In his letter to Harbord, Patton also revealed his own plans to fight an “all-out offensive” against those who were destroying the morale and integrity of the Army and endangering America’s future by not opposing the growing Soviet might.

It is my present thought … that when I finish this job, which will be around the first of the year, I shall resign, not retire, because if I retire I will still have a gag in my mouth … I should not start a limited counterattack, which would be contrary to my military theories, but should wait until I can start an all-out offensive …”

Several months before the end of the war, Patton recognized the fearful danger to the West posed by the Soviet Union, and he had disagreed bitterly with the orders given to him in April and May, 1945 to hold back his army and wait for the Red Army to occupy vast stretches of German, Czech, Rumanian, Hungarian and Yugoslav territory, which the Americans could have easily taken instead.

The most notorious incident allegedly happened toward the end of May, when an English-speaking Russian brigadier general arrived at Patton’s headquarters to demand that some river boats on the Danube that had contained Germans who had surrendered to the Third Army be returned to the Russians. Patton opened a drawer, pulled out a pistol, slammed it down on his desk and raged, “Goddamnit! Get this son-of-a-bitch out of here! Who in hell let him in? Don’t let any more Russian bastards into this headquarters.”

On July 21, he wrote to Beatrice, “We have destroyed what could have been a good race and we [are] about to replace them with Mongolian savages. Now the horrors of peace, pacifism and unions will have unlimited sway. I wish I were young enough to fight in the next one [war]. It would be real fun killing Mongols …. It is hell to be old and passé and know it.”

Then, he was highly critical of the post-war occupation policy in Germany.

The noise against me is only the means by which the Jews and Communists are attempting and with good success to implement a further dismemberment of Germany. I think that if I resigned as I threatened to do yesterday, it would simply discredit me to no purpose.

We promised the Europeans freedom. It would be worse than dishonorable not to see that they have it. This might mean war with the Russians, but what of it? They have no air force, and their gasoline and ammunition supplies are low. I’ve seen their miserable supply trains; mostly wagons drawn by beaten up old horses or oxen. I’ll say this; the Third Army alone and with damned few casualties, could lick what is left of the Russians in six weeks. You mark my words. Don’t ever forget them. Someday we will have to fight them and it will take six years and cost us six million lives. [As quoted in the book “The Unknown Patton” (1983) by Charles M. Province, p. 100]

Other notable quotes illustrate his frame mind.

No one gives a damn how well Bavaria is run. All they are interested in now is how well it is ruined. [Letter to Beatrice (29 September 1945), published in “The Patton Papers” (1996), edited by Martin Blumenson]

Evidently the virus started by Morgenthau and Baruch of a Semitic revenge against all Germans is still working. Harrison (a U.S. State Department official) and his associates indicate that they feel German civilians should be removed from houses for the purpose of housing Displaced Persons. There are two errors in this assumption. First, when we remove an individual German we punish an individual German, while the punishment is – not intended for the individual but for the race. Furthermore, it is against my Anglo-Saxon conscience to remove a person from a house, which is a punishment, without due process of law.

There were also running conflicts about the treatment of Axis POWs. Patton was countering abuses. Additionally Patton was furious that Americans from POW facilities in Soviet hands had not been immediately returned per agreement.

With great reluctance and only after repeated promptings from Eisenhower, he had thrown German families out of their homes to make room for more than a million DPs, but he balked when ordered to begin blowing up German factories in accord with the infamous Morgenthau Plan to destroy Germany’s economic base forever.

In his diary he wrote:

I doubted the expediency of blowing up factories, because the ends for which the factories are being blown up – that is, preventing Germany from preparing for war – can be equally well attained through the destruction of their machinery, while the buildings can be used to house thousands of homeless persons.

In a letter to his wife of September 14, 1945, he wrote:

I am frankly opposed to this war criminal stuff. It is not cricket and is Semitic. I am also opposed to sending POW’s to work as slaves in foreign lands (i.e., the Soviet Union’s Gulags), where many will be starved to death. I have been at Frankfurt for a civil government conference. If what we are doing (to the Germans) is ‘Liberty, then give me death.’ I can’t see how Americans can sink so low. It is Semitic, and I am sure of it.

On July 21, 1945:

Berlin gave me the blues. We have destroyed what could have been a good race, and we are about to replace them with Mongolian savages. And all Europe will be communist. It’s said that for the first week after they took it (Berlin), all women who ran were shot and those who did not were raped. I could have taken it (instead of the Soviets) had I been allowed.

On August 31 he wrote:

Actually, the Germans are the only decent people left in Europe. It’s a choice between them and the Russians. I prefer the Germans.

And on September 2:

What we are doing is to destroy the only semi-modern state in Europe, so that Russia can swallow the whole.

Morgenthauists and media monopolists had decided that Patton was incorrigible and must be discredited. So they began a non-stop hounding of him in the press, accusing him of being “soft on Nazis”, Patton’s response:

There is a very apparent Semitic influence in the press. They are trying to do two things: first, implement communism, and second, see that all businessmen of German ancestry and non-Jewish antecedents are thrown out of their jobs.

Why Communism and Capitalism Are Actually the Same Thing

Source: http://www.renegadetribune.com/communism-capitalism-actually-thing/

By Willally

In my article ‘The High Culture of the Germanic Peoples‘ I already mentioned the Jewish myth of patriarchy (i.e. the theory that Capitalism was invented by the Indo-Europeans). There I also explained why this is only a deception to deflect the guilt away from the Jews. For those who have not read it, I quote myself here:

[…] even Jewish scholars admit that usury was invented in the Semitic kingdom of Sumer[15], the same kingdom which invented the first crucified deity[16]. The currency of this kingdom was the Shekel, dedicated to the crucified goddess Inanna[17], who went through a passion and resurrected. Shekel is, as we know, the Jewish name for money to this day.

In contrast to that, Indo-European civilizations were so averse to usury and swindles that even paying taxes was regarded as a sign of slavery and they knew only the reverse of taxation, that is, the government handed over goods to the citizens from time to time[18].These taboos against usury were so stark that they persisted throughout most of European history.

The privatizing of common goods, the exclusion of women from social life, the heritability of privileges, and the extortion of usury, those evils came to Europe from the Orient, through three ways:

  • A Jewish religion called Christianity, which hates Nature and Beauty.
  • Roman law, intended for forcing the life together of total strangers in cities.
  • Classical Greco-Roman culture, developed by narcissistic elites, wanting to justify their cosmopolitan fetishes.

Some kind of proto-capitalism was indeed spreading itself in antiquity, but this was a gradual process during many thousands of years. This Capitalist trend came from the Orient, with its epicenter in the Semitic kingdoms around ancient Israel, and the Indo-Europeans were not their bearers but another victim of it.

This Oriental capitalism profited from race-mixed societies and multicultural empires, finding its most powerful expression in Christianity. This bedded the seeds for a world subjugated by a few ‘chosen ones’, where autochthonous cultures are replaced with Consumerism and the sacredness of life with machines.

Our Jewish patriarchs look forward with all means to make ancient history confusing and inaccessible to the masses, while deferring the guilt of these developments to White people.

Now the purpose of this short essay is to explain in the most concise form possible why Communism is a swindle in order to foster Jewish Capitalism.

As his favorite student (Margaret Mead) pondered about the subject of his dissertation, Franz Boas gave her not only a subject, but actually told her what her work should demonstrate before she had even begun to research! She should demonstrate that among the primitive peoples there was some kind of Communism with no private property, no sexual roles and no violence whatsoever. Needless to say, all revisions of her work demonstrated she had falsified information and even invented parts of her accounts.

Later anthropologists who visited the same islands of Samoa, found nowhere such Communist arrangement of society and to this day, no-one has ever found a society with those characteristics.

This example is illustrative of the methods used in academia when it comes to ideologically loaded subjects. We know, for example, that Karl Marx envisioned with his Ancient Communism also a secular version of ‘the fall of man from paradise’. This Ancient Communism was some kind of paradise, supposedly lost by the arrival of warrior nomads, and only when humanity unites itself again into a universal, global community, with no private property, then salvation can be found.

This international Communism looks in practice no different from Capitalism, where a few Oligarchs have concentrated so many riches that the rest of humanity have no private property anymore (the destruction of all social classes) while an insatiable market has removed all national barriers (internationalism) with its expansion.

The essence of Capitalism has actually always been ‘the war of classes’ and ‘internationalism’ (the same banner-words of Communism). The war of classes means that the poor are being constantly exploited because of their belonging to another class, while the rich identify with rich people of other countries, allying with them in order to make the market into an international business.

Such a war of classes didn’t exist among our ancestors because all members of the society identified themselves as a race or folk, regardless of their position, thus the goal of this war of classes, as proposed by Marx, is clearly to destroy that cohesion and separate the world into people with property and the rest who have neither property, nor culture, nor ancestry.

It seems that the last thing Marx wanted was a world separated into races and sub-races, as it is natural. Many Communists believe to this day that the source of Capitalism and economic oppression is ‘racism’, something totally absurd and preposterous because almost without exception all evils like the slave trade, colonialism, etc. have been predestined by a expanding market and alimented by greediness.

It is only as an afterthought when unscrupulous elites justify their enterprises in the name of religion, human rights or global justice. A good example is the conquest of Mexico, led in the name of a universalist religion of love (Christianity), and Hernan Cortez didn’t seem very racist when he begot many sons among the Aztec Indians (who later became nobles!) and he must have believed White culture is superior when he decided to spend the rest of his life among the Aztecs with little contact with European culture or other White people.

Racial consciousness, or the desire to live among Whites, would never lead to miscegenation or economic dependence from non-Whites. I have never encountered a National Socialist who loves living in a country where the majority are poor non-Whites.

When different races want to exchange goods without mixing, the only way is actually to respect each other’s sovereignty, in contrast to the holy duty of conversion, mandatory for someone who believes in universal equality and universal solidarity.

Thus, when modern communists blame racism as the source of economic oppression, while promoting internationalism as the solution, it is no different than the Spanish priests who condemned the lot of the Indians, while converting them into the church, which financed and ideologically justified their enslavement.

In this context is important to mention that one of the greatest insights of Hitler was the realization that with all promises of universal brotherhood and peace there always came some kind of Versailles Treaty. This Versailles Treaty can be evident or it can be a hidden one, for example in the ever-raising rates of usury we unknowingly pay in everything we buy. The central point remains always the same: Universalism leads to the concentration of riches and the reduction of humanity into destitute tribute payers.

***

Continuing with how Communism would look in practice: ‘The rule of the proletariat’ would mean that a racially mixed humanity, without property, believes through propaganda that they rule (just as modern democracy), and they are so culturally impoverished that they don’t even know of the existence of these Oligarchs.

Another interesting parallel between Marx’s ideal world and modern Capitalism is consumerism. Marx promoted a materialistic view of morality and culture. Only when every person in this planet could afford to buy anything they wished, could we talk about fairness. This resembles of course the situation today, where we have destroyed all Nature and all culture (real wealth as opposed to artificial wealth) just to produce en masse all kinds of useless, ugly and unnecessary things, which only calm a few seconds the addictive impulse of consume, as promoted by capitalistic corporations.

Karl Marx had also a linear vision of time in which the flow of history led irrevocably to a Communist world-government. This linear conception of history is, of course, the same we find in the Old and New Testaments, and a global rule of Communism reminds us of a global rule of Christ as also prophesied in the Bible.

It is interesting, though, that the Bible puts this global rule of the Jewish god as a preamble to the intentional destruction of our world by this same god. In an ironic way, it seems that the Jewish prophets got it right when they connected globalism with the total destruction of our environment and life.

The essence of life is differentiation and separation, first into species and then into races, as a mechanism which makes sure no life forms overwhelms this planet. We could fairly say that an artificial ideology that attempts to unite all humanity is the antithesis of life.