Der Stürmer

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Category: Quotations

Who declared war on who

Adolf Hitler About the Youth

In their (the youth’s) heart there will no longer be any place for prejudices, the self-conceit and arrogance of the individual folk strata of previous generations. For they live together, march together, jointly sing the songs of the movement and of the fatherland and believe in a Germany, which belongs to all of them.

Speech of September 10, 1934 in Nuremberg


They (the German youth) love the clarity and determination of our leadership!

Speech of September 10, 1934 in Nuremberg


The youth has fallen for and is bound to us with body and soul.

Speech of September 10, 1934 in Nuremberg


And when left and right the stubborn stand there and say: „But you (National Socialists) will never get us”, then I say: „We are indifferent to that; but we get your children. We educate them from the start toward a different ideal and educate them toward each other.”

Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin


Whoever wants to uplift a folk community, must not start with those alienated from each other in earlier life, rather those who in their youth are still bound to each other. And precisely for that reason National Socialism also directs its sharpest and most penetrating appeal to the youth.

Speech of February 7, 1934 in Berlin


What must in the future lead the German folk to National Socialism can only succeed through an eternally uniform education.

Speech of February 26, 1934 in Munich


The sensible education of the folk (will require) many decades.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


With faithful heart and strong purpose this youth should one day be a better link in our folk’s chain of generations than we were ourselves and could perhaps be today.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


What we do not manage with the present generation, we will complete with the coming. For just as tenaciously as we once fought for the grown man and the grown woman, we fight for the German youth. And it grows up in a different world and will first really help to form a different world. In our National Socialist youth organization, we create the school for the education of the man of the new German Reich.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


The reverence for the great men must again be imprinted on the German youth as a sacred legacy.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


What is further necessary is a change of our education: We today suffer from over-education. One only values the knowledge. The know-it-alls, however, are enemies of the deed. What we need is instinct and will.

Speech of April 27, 1923 in Munich


The youth, who now does not find his way to where, in the final analysis, the fate of his folk is represented in the positive sense, who now only studies philosophy and only sits behind his books or next to the stove at home, he is not a German youth!

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


It will be one of the tasks of the future to again create a unity between feeling and reason, that means to train that unspoiled breed, which with clear reason recognizes the eternal legality of development and thus consciously again finds its way back to primitive instinct.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


No less do we want to take up the fight for a better morality. And we have here, too, not acted theoretically. What has been cleaned up in Germany in these months, is unprecedented! And this cleansing process goes on continuously.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


Our „work service” is a tremendous social institution, which at the same time works to reconcile the classes. We have gathered for useful work an army of young people, who previously went bad on rural roads.

Interview of October 18, 1933 in Berlin


In order to especially help the youth, they have been gathered and put to work in our work camps at a reasonable activity with very small wages, but sufficient food. They have no families yet and can hence be easily lodged in barracks and similar quarters near their work places.

Interview of October 18, 1933 in Berlin


It is our inalterable decision to lead every individual German – be he whoever he is, whether rich, whether poor, whether son of scholars or son of factory workers – to manual labor once in his life, so that he becomes acquainted with it, so that he can here, too, more easily command one day, because he has himself already learned to obey.

Speech of May 1, 1933 in Berlin


In a time when millions live among us without an understanding for the significance of manual laborers, we want to educate the German folk through the work service to the realization that manual labor does not shame, does not dishonor, rather much more, like any other activity, bestows honor on whomever fulfills it with a loyal and honest purpose.

Speech of May 1, 1933 in Berlin


We have…built up the work service as a pillar for the combating of unemployment on the one hand and for the education of the folk community on the other.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


We want the work service in order to compel each young German to once contribute through his hands to the construction of his folk.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


Do you believe that we educate our youth, which is our whole future and to which we all cling, in order to then let it be shot up on the battlefield?

Interview of October 18, 1933 in Berlin


That the German youth again possess a feeling of honor, fills me with joy.

Interview of October 18, 1933 in Berlin


What will…finally triumph, is the fire of the German youth.

May 4, 1923 in Munich


We are not National Socialists, because we possess power, rather we want Germany to become National Socialist, because its sons are National Socialists.

Speech of September 6, 1934 in Nuremberg


You are flesh of our flesh and blood of our blood, and in your minds burns the same fire, which dominates us!

Speech of September 8, 1934 in Nuremberg


My German youth!…What we yearn for and expect from the coming Germany, is what you must, my boys and girls, fulfill. If we want a Germany of strength, then you must one day be strong. If we want a Germany of energy, then you must one day be full of energy. If we want to re-shape a Germany of honor, then you must one day be the bearers of this honor. If we want to see a Germany of order before us, you must be the bearers of this order. If we want to win a Germany of loyalty, you must yourselves learn to be loyal. No virtue of this Reich, which is not first practiced by you yourselves, no energy which does not come from you, no greatness, which does not have its roots in your discipline. You are the Germany of the future, and we thus want that you are as this Germany of the future should and must be one day!

Speech of May 1, 1934 morning in Berlin


Adolf Hitler About the Liberal-Marxist Fundamental Evil

The decay of the nation systematically spread by the Marxist false doctrine in worldview-wise inconsistent opposites means the destruction of the basis of a possible community life.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


The dissolution strikes all foundations of social order. The totally inconsistent attitude of the individual to the concepts of state, society, religion, morality, family and economy rips open differences, which leads to a war of all against everybody.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


The most decisive ideas of the democratic-liberal-Marxist world of parties were brought into our folk from the outside as formal concepts. The French Revolution (1789) provides slogan-filled theories and affirmations, which the Jewish intellectualism of the previous century sanctified with hair-splitting systemization into an international-revolutionary dogma.

Speech of September 10, 1934 in Nuremberg


The world-idea of the liberal era invited the international idea of Marxist socialism to be its successor, and this flows into anarchist chaos or communist dictatorship.

Speech of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg


Proceeding from the liberalism of the previous century, this development naturally finds its end in communist chaos.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


The preservation of the broadest middle-class is just as necessary for an in itself healthfully balanced folk organism as it forms a necessary prerequisite for a real preservation of property.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


The conscious proletarianization of the medium and small businessmen, the destruction of small businesses and other small, independent existences as well as the trades leads in its final effect to it, that at the end only a very tiny number of people are interested in the concept of property and that the majority, robbed of any possibility for their own advancement, must become enemies of the concept of property.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


The German bourgeoisie as social substance was the product of a selection based less on political and more on social economic functions.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg


While the intellectual leaders of our bourgeoisie world talked about „working quietly” and skillfully presented lofty treatises at tea circles, National Socialism set out on the march into the folk. We held hundreds of thousands of rallies.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


We indeed have an intellectually higher-standing stratum; but it is lacking in energy. If we had not distanced ourselves so far from the folk feeling through an over-estimation of mechanical knowledge, the Jew would have never been able to find the path into our folk.

Speech of April 27, 1923 in Munich


I know this broad folk and always want to say just one thing to our intellectuals: every Reich, which you build only upon the levels of intellectual comprehension, is built weak!

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


The eternal pessimists and the basic complainers have never saved a folk, but destroyed numerous folks, states and empires!

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching


Despite all capableness, a government requires not only the support of the general forces in our folk – which it is determined to pull in to the widest extent – rather also the devout loyalty and work of the professional officialdom. Only given I he most grave distress of public finance should cuts be made, but even then only strict justice will be the highest law of our action.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


The body of German officialdom must again become, what it once was!

Speech of August 1, 1923 in Munich


Similar as toward the German peasants is the attitude of the national government toward the middle class. Its salvation can only follow in the course of the general economic policy. The national government is determined to thoroughly solve this problem.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


The middle class will not be saved by criticism and theories, rather precisely it is bound for better or worse to the salvation of the peasantry and the worker.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


The rightist parties without exception lack energy. They see how the flood nears.

Speech of April 24, 1923 in Munich


Let go of the hope that something is to be expected from the right (the reactionary side) for the freedom of the German folk! The most elemental thing is lacking there: the will, the courage and the energy. Where does strength still lie in the German folk? It lies – as always – in the broad mass. Energy slumbers there and waits for the one, who calls it from its former slumber and throws it into the fate-struggle of the German race.

Speech of April 24, 1923 in Munich


The centrum represents the idea of the solidarity of a specific religious denomination. Other folks, even if they think and act ever so fanatically according to the principles of their religious faith, are first sons of their folk, and only then do they stand up for the idea of a religious denomination.

Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich


Does a party want to talk of the struggle of Christianity, which for fourteen years sat with atheists, with deniers of God?

Speech of February 20, 1933 in Cologne


I do not understand… that one speaks in the fashion of the centrum against godlessness, but at the same time makes a pact with the godless.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


As a support…. (social democracy) … possessed fellow-travelers, among them the centrum, which…is ready to extend the hand to the Marxists.

Speech of April 27, 1923 in Munich


The destruction of both these great life groups (of the middle class and of the peasantry), promoted for decades above all by the centrum and social democracy and today practically achieved, is the jointly performed preliminary work for the victory of Bolshevism.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, election appeal of July 31, 1932


Across the centrum the more or less national-embellished bourgeois democracy connects itself with the unveiled Marxism internationalism and now produces those parliamentarian governments, which – relieving each other in ever shorter time intervals – sells out and dissipates the saved up economic and political capital of the nation.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin


Democracy: fundamentally nothing German, rather something Jewish.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich


I lien we always find two great buzz words, „freedom” and „democracy”, as, I want to say, sign-boards. Freedom, by that one understands, likewise in the important positions, which in reality govern, the possibility of an unrestrained, unresisted plundering of the broad mass.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


What was then all this liberalism, what was our press, what was the stock exchange, what was freemasonry? Jew instruments!

Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich


Jewish democracy of majority rule: always and ever only a means… for the destruction of the actual Aryan leadership.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich


Unspeakably incapable, lacking energy and cowardly are all these bourgeois political parties – at a moment when the nation would not need talkers, rather heroes. From this side, then, nothing is to be expected!

Speech of April 24, 1923 in Munich

The centrum (has) sacrificed its Christian ideals. The center-of-road parties abandon the middle class.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program“, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


The economy stagnates, the finances are ruined, millions are unemployed.

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam


Have they not already turned millions of middle-class existences into beggars? Have they not brought every honest person close to starvation and only fattened speculative swindlers?

Speech of September 5, 1933 in Potsdam


Thousands of old pensioners, middle class people, scholars, war widows sell their last gold assets for paper wipes…The last national wealth is „played off’ into the hands of Jewry, which takes over everything…Millions of existences, which were based on a life time of thrift, were robbed of everything by this swindle!

Speech of August 21, 1923 in Munich


Everything that was great, high and holy has been dragged in the dust.

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich.


If respect for the law has sank, then also because law and morality…(during the Marxist regime) are no longer identical.

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich


A reversal of all values set(s) in: what was good, now becomes bad, and what was bad, good. The heroic despised and the coward admired, the honest punished and the lazy rewarded. The decent person can only expect scorn, but the degenerate is praised. Strength experiences condemnation, but weakness glorification. The value in itself means nothing. In its place comes number, that means lesser value and no value. The historical past is just as infamously soiled as the historical future is denied without a care.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin


That everybody in a nation would be able to manage a farmstead or a factory or to decide their administration, is contested. Only that everybody is able to administer a state or to elect its administration, is ceremoniously attested in the name of democracy. This is a contradiction in itself!

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg


For thirteen years these political parties of weakness and impotence, of half-measures, cowardice and inability court the favor of foreign countries and receive kicks after kicks.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


Internationalism and democracies are inseparable concepts.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf


One has…made Germany a colony of foreign countries. Those who were fed with the idea of internationalism were in actuality placed under the diktat of the Internationale. They have their international state: international finance governs.

Speech of April 27, 1923 in Munich


I lie democracies and what stands to their left, political parties, which are pacifist or anti-German, included and demand nothing except submission, negotiation at any price.

Speech of May 4, 1923 in Munich


What are (have been) our government organs…other than executive organs of our external tyrants.

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich


The nature of the November Republic characterizes itself in the coming and going to London, Spaa, Paris and Genova, servility toward the enemy, giving up German manly dignity, pacifistic cowardice, toleration of all baseness, willing acceptance of everything until there is nothing left.

Speech of September 12, 1923 in Munich


Man heard of the right of self-determination of peoples, of the League of Nations, of the self-rule of the people. And what came? A world peace, but a world peace on our field of corpses.

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich


What did fulfillment politics mean back then? It can be stated very simply: Man was supposed to try to meet all the opponents’ demands as much as possible in order to enable Germany’s rise again.

Speech of May 4, 1923 in Munich


For fifteen years…German people stood shaken and broken before the ruins of the national existence built up with much effort over long decades. Bad advisors, who had once lead us to ruination, found since then no other means for the salvation of the nation than recommendation of a humiliating servility, slavish attitude and lethargic letting things happen!

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


Germany’s misfortune is not fate, rather the curse of the evil deed of the November parties!

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


The former world of political parties has been smashed Germany, it has been broken by it. It is silly to believe that the factors whose existence is historically inseparably bound with Germany’s decline could now suddenly be the factors for its rise again.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf


All the men – who through this crazy or criminal behavior since November 1918 plunged our folk into the present misfortune and gave as motive for their action the phrases „freedom”, „brotherhood” and „equality” – do not today share fate and suffering with the victims of their politics! Millions of German folk comrades have been delivered by them to the most severe distress, which there is. Need, misery and hunger rape their existence. The seducers, however, enjoy in foreign countries the freedom to defame their own folk for gold, to deliver it to the hatred of the surroundings!

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


Social democracy and centrum, free thinkers and folk parties, state party, atheist associations, red and Christian trade unions, entrepreneur federations and economic parties have brotherly found their way together in the fight against the National Socialism movement.

„Adolf Hitler’s Proclamation”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


We National Socialists have passed through too long a period of persecutions and suppressions in order to not precisely recognize the real value of our political opponents’ shrill, democratic humanity phrases. We are determined to act according to this realization!

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


The others speak of democracy and avoid the folk. National Socialism speaks of authority, but has fought and struggled with this folk like no movement in Germany before it.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


I do not believe in the future of the German nation as long as its interests are represented by twenty or thirty parties, federations, associations, groups and tiny groups. I know the curse of German fragmentation through the centuries of our history. It is not more useful for the German nation to let thirty parties act than it was previously useful to be governed just by as many rulers. I consider it above all impossible that a folk can survive m the hard time of the present world crises, if it is divided internally in classes.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


The parties have now finally been eliminated; this is a historical event, of whose significance and scope one is largely not yet conscious.

Speech of July 6, 1933 in Berlin


Not from the stagnant swamp of our old parties could German salvation come, it could only come from the portion of the nation, which decently fulfills its duty.

Speech of February 26, 1934 in Munich


In one year of National Socialist revolution, we have overthrown the parties…All of them, which orbited as satellites around the Second or Third Internationale, which represented the bourgeois middle class, the interests of Catholicism, the tasks of an evangelical socialism, the goals of finance to the pitiful representation of our rootless intellectualism, they are all gone. The energy of our folk’s life has victoriously elevated itself in this year over the ruins of this sunken world. What do all the legislative measures of decades mean compared to the force of this single fact?

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin


There the front of the Germany of parties, there the front of folk-Germany’s future.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


National Socialism is hence a fanatical and merciless enemy of any class division and separate of ranks.

Speech of October 2, 1933 in Hameln


The inconsequence of the economic and political idea of bourgeois democracy invariably called the consequent Marxist theory onto the playing field of these forces. So it came that while the folks still partook of the material fruits of bourgeois and liberal individualism, the apostles of the new (Marxist) doctrine politically preached the equality of all values. Parliamentarian democracy had to invariably in the long-run become the moral enemy of the value of personality even in the purely economic sphere. It could only be a question of time when the ruthlessly advancing doctrine of the Marxist idea of equality would have finally overrun the last bulwarks of politics before the economy in order to then finally finish off the political and economic ideology of the bourgeois era.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin


The proletariat (of the Marxist era) …is outwardly pacifist and inwardly terrorist, the bourgeoisie, on the other hand, wants to be a terrorist outwardly and a pacifist inwardly.

Speech of April 20, 1923 in Munich


It is furthermore the characteristic trait of these fourteen (postwar) years that, aside from natural fluctuations, the line of development constantly led downward.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


The number of Germans standing inwardly on the ground of the Weimar constitution, despite the suggestive significance and pitiless utilization of the power of government, was at the end only a fraction of the whole nation.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


For fifteen years things went ever more downward for our folk. The most horrible thing thereby was not the fact of the collapse in itself, rather the lack of will, born out of desperation and lunacy, with which the folk set about accepting this fate. Each year of the progressing decline appeared to prove those people right, who had already at the start made the prophecy of the futility of all attempts to change our fate.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


Marxism became the herder of the workers, freemasonry formed the disintegration machinery for the „intellectual” strata, „Esperanto” was supposed to make „understanding” easier.

Speech of September 18, 1922 in Munich


Who are the freemasons, actually? One distinguishes two grades: to the lower belong in Germany those average citizens who can „feel something” by the offered phraseology. The responsible people, however, are those far-sighted ones, who bear any climate, those three hundred Rathenaus, who all know each other, who direct the affairs of the world over the heads of the kings and state presidents. Those who scrupulously assume any office, who know how to brutally enslave all the folks – again, Jews!

Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich


One wants to believe that a „statesman” who fails would disappear forever. In the parliamentarian state, however, he simply goes to the back and stands in line again.

Speech of May 4, 1923 in Munich


Never will one of the November criminals be able to represent Germany in the world!

Speech of September 12, 1923 in Munich


German parliamentarism is…the decline and the end of the German nation.

Speech of May 4, 1923 in Munich


I understand under Marxism a doctrine, which in principle rejects the value of personality, which replaces energy with mass.

Speech of February 26, 1924 in Munich


They suffocate in their own compromises.

Marxism invariably flows not only politically, rather also culturally, into nihilism.

Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


The end of socialism in Germany is that a sixty-million folk has become the slave of capitalism, and indeed of an international world-capitalism.

Appendix to „Adolf Hitler’s Speeches”: Adolf Hitler’s Sayings


Whether Germany rises up means nothing to the „classconscious” social democrat, if just the party stands – likewise for the Erzbergish centrum and for the democrats: if only the doctrine is not harmed, folk reconciliation, folk peace etc… These chosen ones of the folk calmly look on until the whole has dropped dead!

Speech of August 21, 1923 in Munich


Social democracy declares literally in its main organ, the „Vorwärts”, that it does not lie in the interests of the German worker, if Germany wins the war.

Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich


And what does the party of Mr. Ebert and Mr. Auer say? „A German victory does not lie in the interests of the German worker class” – whereby they just mean themselves.

Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich


One (the Marxist) means: anybody can govern; any cobbler or tailor is supposed to be able direct a state. And then one believes, through soiling and putting down the own self, the own folk, to acquire sympathy from the others.

Speech of April 20, 1923 in Munich


They talk so much about it that social democrats also stood in the field: the German workers stood in the field! But even if they still felt social democratic in some kind of fog back then – it was not the case, and everybody who was a soldier knows that back then nobody thought about his party – even it that had been the case: How base are these leaders that they have denied their own people, who bore the sacrifice of this struggle, the fruit of these sacrifices – all the suffering, all the need, mortal fear, torment, hunger and sleep deprivation. They can no longer make restitution for what they have inflicted on our folk through this crime!

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


For the first time at the start of the war in August 1914 international solidarity whistled off with a huge crash.

Speech of April 27, 1923 in Munich


Social democracy represents world-political interests; but a common walk with the workers of the world is, after all, only possible on the basis of mutual respect and setting equal. The German must first be a German as the Englishman is an Englishman, if he wants to gain the respect of the others.

Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich


The senile thing in the life of folks, however, is internationalism.

Speech of May 1, 1923 in Munich


When folks no longer possess creative energy, then they become international.

Speech of May 1, 1923 in Munich


What is present in real values of human culture, did not emerge from internationalism, rather the folkdom has created it.

Speech of May 1, 1923 in Munich


It is a lack of conviction and lack of character, to be a pacifist: For he himself certainly makes a claim to help from others, but does not want to himself practice self-assertion. With a folk it is the same. A folk, which is not ready to defend itself, lacks character.

Speech of April 27, 1923 in Munich


The Jew became founder of the social democratic, of the communist movement.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


That (the international German state) is the paradise of the Jews.

Speech of April 27, 1923 in Munich


The development has confirmed to us that the overwhelming portion of German workers no longer clings inwardly to Marxism.

Speech of May 16, 1934 in Berlin


Neither the bourgeoisie nor the proletariat was in their overwhelming portion ready to make a sacrifice for their conviction or even to die.

Speech of May 16, 1934 in Berlin


One must recognize the nature of our previous world of political parties in order to comprehend the meaning of this „parliamentarian democracy”…., and one will then come to the conclusion: that, first, there was almost no trace of world-view among these formations (the previous parties) despite all the talk, that, second, they were in their whole intellectual content and their construction unable to ever interest the nation in a single great goal or even to completely win it for it, and that they, third, also did not have any intention at all, for the sake of higher ideas and goals, to renounce the business possibilities, which were to be found in the fragmentation of the folk body given the „capitalist ability” of these saviors of folk and economy.

Speech of September 10, 1934 in Nuremberg


One can image that: Mr. Ebert as national leader of the German folk – Fritz Ebert from Berlin! Freedom fighter and revolution- maker at the same time? No, thrice no!

Speech of September 12, 1923 in Munich


Marxism as world-view of decomposition has with sharp vision recognized in the trade union movement the possibility to launch the attack against the state and human society with an absolutely devastating weapon. Not in order to perhaps help the worker – what does the worker of whatever land mean to these international apostles? Nothing at all! They do not see him. They are no workers, they are folk-alien literati, folk-alien pack!

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


Social democracy was…a party with huge connections and contacts. Then there were the trade unions. They, too, were used for the struggle, for the political one, not the economic one. The trade unions provided the money reservoir for the party. In addition came a tremendous terror, with which one held the „comrades” together.

Speech of April 27, 1923 in Munich


When we introduced on May 2 (1933) last year the destruction of the German political parties through occupation of the trade unions, it did not happen in order to take purposeful representation away from any German, rather in order to liberate the German folk from those organizations, whose worst damage it was that they had to cause damage in order to justify the necessity of their own existence.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


Marxism: for it wanted nothing else than to destroy Germany!

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


The numerical and objectively existing weakness…of the (Marxist) regiment led to that unique connection between Marxist theoreticians and capitalist practitioners, who as a consequence had to imprint the basic character traits of this rare, corrupt misalliance on both political and economic life.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin


The men who today lead Germany have nothing in common with the paid traitors of November 1918.

Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin


What has been overthrown, will never again be resurrected. That is why we are there!

Speech of November 16, 1933 in Elbing


Fate gave fourteen years time to the men before us to prove their real ability through deeds. However, whoever fourteen years long fails like these, ruins a healthy folk, drives it toward misery and desperation, has no right in the fifteenth year to play the critic of those who want to do better and who have also done better. They had an opportunity to act for fourteen years. We give them no opportunity today to babble very long.

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Munich


We will…not tolerate that the bearers of the previous destruction of our folk, through their eternally negative activity of decomposition, continue to make the German folk lacking in will or even just unsure at a time when its entire will must help to avoid the catastrophe, to overcome the crisis.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


It will hence be one of the movement’s most important tasks to declare pitiless battle against these destroyers of our folk’s strength of resistance and to wage it until their total destruction or subjugation.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


A revolutionary upheaval is only justified, if in the end result it actually serves the self-preservation and life-preservation of a folk. That is the only justification for socialism.

Speech of May 16, 1934 in Berlin


Bismarck once declared that liberalism was the pace-maker for social democracy. I do not need to say here that social democracy is the pace-maker for communism.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


The deepest essence and meaning of the communist process lies in the attempt to break up the folks made up of various racial cores and to replace the previously politically and world- view-wise leading portion with a new, in this case Jewish, ruling stratum.

Speech of February 7, 1934 in Berlin


While the communists fundamentally reject the discipline of the state, they preach the discipline of the party. While they reject the administration of the state as bureaucracy, they kneel before the bureaucracy of their own movement. A state within a state emerges, which opposes the state of the folk community as a mortal enemy. It finally produces people with a fanatical rejection of their own folk, so that eventually foreign countries find allies in them. That is the product of the Marxist doctrine!

Speech of April 24, 1923 in Munich


Just like after the Kerenski government in Russia, the real Soviet dictatorship is supposed to be erected after the lemonade Ebert revolution. Do not take that lightly! Many of those who still laugh at that in Germany, will have their heads roll in the sand. – The human rubble is the same in all lands. Only a miracle can stop Germany’s political collapse.

Speech of September 5, 1923 in Munich


In the master folk the realization became unconsciously ever more alive as morality, that its mastery must not be arbitrariness, rather noble reason. The ability to subjugate others was not given it by Providence in order to, without purpose, feel like master or to torment, rather to – from the connection of its genius and the other’s strength – shape for both together an existence worthy of humans, because useful to them. But just when this process of forming folks and states was introduced, the communist era of humanity ended. For communism is not a higher stage of development, rather it is the most primitive starting form.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg


The left: energy is there. Where they have power, they use it, but how? For Germany’s ruin!

Speech of April 24, 1923 in Munich


Communism, however, is the pace-maker for death, for folk-death, for decline!

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


The communist revolution threatening the folk since November 1918: a danger, however, which the lands cannot gauge, who have not like us had millions of organized communists and have not – like Germany – suffered under terror.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin


The mobilization of the most primitive instincts leads to a connection between the views of a political idea and the actions of real criminals. Starting with plundering, arson, rail sabotage, assassinations etc., everything receives its moral sanction in the communist idea.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


Does one not see… that Bolshevism is not just a band raging in Germany on a few streets, rather a world-view, which is in the process of subjugating the whole Asian continent and which today as a state stretches from almost our eastern border to Wladiwostok?

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf


The path Europe walked was the direct path into Bolshevism. And what this Bolshevism would have mean for Europe, I do not have to illustrate!

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


Communism would, given its victory in Europe, in the coming half millennium have to lead to the total extermination of even the last remnants of the creations of that Aryan spirit, which as culture-bringer since the millennia historically know to us has, in its diverse ramifications and branches, given the present White world the general cultural and hence genuinely human foundations.

Speech of February 7, 1934 in Berlin


While the communist party wrote the fight against Versailles on its own flags, it managed to mobilize people who in their desperation believed they can only find an escape through chaos. The world, however, did not appear to notice that – while it blindly insisted down to the letter on the fulfillment of incomprehensible, yes, downright crazy impossibilities – a development was underway in Germany which, as the prelude for the communist world revolution, had to soon put a disease- ridden plague-carrier in place of the useful treaty-slave.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin


If in Western or Central Europe one folk falls to Bolshevism, this poison will eat farther and desolate the today oldest and most beautiful cultural property of the earth.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg


The struggle against Bolshevism as a world threat is practically a struggle for a richly structured, organically constructed folk state, which possesses in the peasantry its fundament, but in the middle class the bridge over which capable individuals can gradually work their way up into the higher levels.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


The situation in which we find ourselves is clear to all: At the beginning of this year (1933) there were weeks in which we came within a hair’s width of the brink of Bolshevik chaos.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


If our enemies of the red color had come to power, then we would see by us as well as elsewhere just a heap of rubble. Today, however, we see blossoming life in Germany.

Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich


When I turned against communism, then not because of the 100,000 bourgeoisie…, we did it because we saw the whole folk facing ruin, the millions of its productive people and above all the workers as well! One will not be able to dispute that we have conducted this struggle heroically and courageously.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

Adolf Hitler About the Historical World-View Mental Equipment

The formation of the folks and states as well as their preservation is…the content of that, which we encompass with the word „history”.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg


Forms of governments have always been mortal.

Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich


One demands…sacrifice and courage, valor, loyalty, faith and heroism, and that portion of a folk will report, which calls these virtues its own. This, however, was at all times that factor, which made history.

Speech of September 3, 1933


Folks without character have no right to existence in the world.

Speech of November 9, 1933 in Munich


Lacking possibility of existence (has) always been a source of conflicts between folks.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin


In the final analysis it was the Aryan alone, who founds states and is able to lead toward a future.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


Even the republics of antiquity with steel-hard state attitude have in times of distress resorted to the dictator. When the life of folks is at stake, then folk representations, parliaments and even provincial assemblies are of no use, then only giants are of use.

Speech of May 4, 1923 in Munich


We have the so-called „White race”, which since the collapse of the world of antiquity in the course of roughly a thousand years has gained a position of advantage for itself in the world.

I cannot comprehend the economically privileged position of mastery of the White race compared to the rest of the world, if I do not bring it into the closest connection to a political view of mastery, which has belonged to the White race as something self-evident for many centuries and which has been represented by it outwardly.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf


The German folk did not emerge any differently than almost all the other really creative cultured folks of the world known to us: A small, talented race with organizational ability and culturally creative has in the course of many centuries overlapped other folks and in part absorbed them, in part adapted to them. All individual components of our folk have naturally brought their special abilities into the federation. But it was created by only one single, folk-forming and state-forming core. This core folk imposed its language, naturally not without borrowing from the subjugated, and it finally subjected all to a common fate for so long that the life of the state-folk became inseparably bound with the life of the gradually absorbed other components. Out of victors and vanquished have long since become a community: It is our present German folk.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg


Germany once – as the first prerequisite for our folk’s general organization – had a world-view basis in our religion, Christianity. When this world-view basis was shaken, we see how the nation’s energy turned from external fighting to internal fighting…That was the great time of the civil wars, the religious wars etc., fighting and chaos, in which either a new world-view was found and there upon a nation again built, which can direct its energy outward, or in which a folk divides and decays. In Germany this process occurred in downright classic form. The religious fighting meant a withdrawal of all German energy inward, a soaking and consuming of this energy domestically and thus automatically a slowly growing lack of reaction to foreign- political, great world events, which now find the folk totally inactive, because it simultaneously possesses internal tensions, which push for a settlement. It is wrong to say: World politics, the world situation alone determined Germany’s fate in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. No, our internal condition back then helped to shape the world situation under which we later suffered so greatly: the division of the world without Germany.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf


The history of the last 150 years should, through all its changing course, have taught both folks (Frenchmen and Germans) one thing, that major changes, despite all the loss of blood, are no longer possible in the long run.

Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin


We are moved by the reference to the unfortunately all too sad truth that both great folks (Germans and Frenchmen) have so often in history sacrificed the blood of their best youths and men. I speak in the name of the whole German folk, when I assure that we are all filled with the sincere wish to purge a hostility, whose sacrifices stand in no relation to any possible gain.

Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin


More often than once in German history the rulers have been compelled to opposition against the so-called ruling classes. In Brandenburg they were compelled to take a position against the nobility and support themselves on broader masses of the bourgeoisie. What was the great struggle of the Flohenzollern other than a struggle for the breaking of individual predominations of stubborn nobles and arrangement and integration into the state at any price!

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


It was Friedrich Wilhelm (I.), who founded state authority, it was the great king, who declared: „I am a servant of the state!” That was true in the same way down to the very old heroic Kaiser (Wilhelm I.).

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich


One has spoken so much of the absolutist era of the past, of the absolutism of Frederick the Great and the democratic era of our parliamentarian epoch. Seen from the standpoint of the folk, the time back then was the more objective one; they could really perceive the nation’s interests more objectively, while the later time descended more and more to purely the representation of the interests of individual strata. That is proven more distinctly by nothing other than the idea of class struggle itself.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


That the so-called „enlightened absolutism” of a Frederick the Great was possible, was only because this man would have been able to arbitrarily decide over the well-being or the woe of his so-called „subjects”, but that he did not do that, rather that he decided, carried and driven by the sole idea of the wellbeing of his Prussian folk.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich


Did Frederick the Great perhaps make his resistance against all of Europe dependent on a – plebiscite of his army? I believe many would have perhaps rather gone home: One must act!

Speech of August 21, 1923 in Munich


Frederick the Great made it come to pass, after seven years on the day of the end of the great war, to be able to point to a state, which had, however, been plundered, but which was practically without one single Reichstaler debt! For seven years long this miracle genius managed to cover the enormous disbursements for his army without burdening his folk with a penny of debt – through financial operations, which were, however, daring: Lowing the quality of money, melting down silver and God knows what the devil else -, so that, however, when the war was over, Prussia had the possibility to be able to immediately start with the reconstruction.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich


The situation of the fatherland – according to geography one of the most unfavourable in Europe – was first comprehended at all by the small Prussian state. Hated, a rival in spiritual and material terms to all surrounding folks, it was reserved for this small, exemplary state to become the champion of the German idea until that union of the German tribes, which basically, despite two won wars, was still not a union.

Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich


An almost thousand-year-old world of ideas and social order was (through the French Revolution, 1789) shaken down to its innermost fundaments.

Speech of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg


Through many centuries emerged the European states and their borders based on views, which only existed within exclusively state thinking. With the triumphant breakthrough of the national idea and the principle of nationality in the course of the previous century, the seeds for numerous conflicts were sewn, as a result of the non-consideration of these new ideas by the states, which emerged from other prerequisites.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin


In place of the lacking religious unity (in Germany) – for both denominations have finally frozen in, neither can overcome the other anymore – a new platform was found: the new state idea, first legitimized character, and later slowly passing through the era of the national principle and coloured by it. Upon this new platform Germany again finds itself unified, and piece by piece with (he putting together of the Reich, which had decayed in old entanglements, the external strength automatically and permanently increases again.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf


When Reich Chancellor debated with his opponents criticizing him, he finally damned them to respectful silence through the proclamation of a new German Reich (January 18, 1971) with vast international prestige and domestic prosperity.

Open Letter to Brüning of December 13, 1931


What did Bismarck commit in the constitution conflict? He ignored constitution, parliament and the overwhelming majority and ruled, supported by the state’s means of power alone, by (lie army, officialdom and the crown. That was designated breech of constitution and high treason in the oppositional press. What then legalized this deed of Bismarck? His deed would have perhaps also been high treason, if from this deed had not come the blessing, which led the German folk to its unity, to its highest perfection and freedom. On the day when the crown was placed on the head of the German Kaiser before Paris, the high treason was legalized before the German folk and the whole world.

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich


It was one man, who created the Reich: Bismarck.

Speech on May 4, 1923 in Munich


When Bismarck followed the cultural striving of the German nation with the state-political unification, it appeared that a long period of quarrelling and wars among the German tribes had forever ended.

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam


The other Versailles of 1870/1871 had been the fruit of a heroic struggle! One had to say that that Reich founding was unique in German history, the work of the greatest German of the modern period! Imagine the Kaiser election of Versailles at the same time as opposed to that shameful scene in the forest of Compiegne. Back then Bismarck, now a plump, well-fed paunch (Matthias Erzberger)! Marshal Foch asked amazed: „And that is Germany, before which a thousand times we almost kneeled in defeat?!” – No, that was also not Germany! You Frenchmen did not overrun it! You have not defeated Germany, rather you received it through treason as a defenceless victim.

Speech of September 12, 1933 in Munich


France had two revolutions. Although they were made by people, not all of whom in the final analysis had France’s wellbeing in sight, nonetheless each one raised France’s well-being. Especially the second revolution showed that. When France collapsed in Sedan, one made a revolution in order to save the sinking tricolours! War was waged with new energy. The revolutionaries bravely fought countless battles. It was not a symbol of shame, rather quite the opposite the symbol to preserve the state! French national honour has been restored by the republic.

Speech of September 12, 1923 in Munich


I may point out that in the year 1870 nobody could doubt the cause of the war back then and hence the war guilt. And likewise, there could be no doubt that we were the victors back then. But what did Germany put as burden on the vanquished? The loss of a region, which had once been of German origin, a financial burden, which stood in no relation to the wealth of the opponent back then, to its natural resources, a burden, which was fully covered in just three years, and besides that not a single clause annoying the folk’s honour, absolutely nothing, which could have in any manner distressed this folk’s future, no hindrance of its own development, of its own life, of its possibilities, of its abilities, not the slightest attempt to hold down its armed forces in the future, no, none of all that. After three years France was indeed completely free.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


Bismarck…thought the fate of folks cannot be determined by majority decisions, but also not by treaties, rather only by blood and iron.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


Europe had fifty years of peace with this power of Germany (of prewar Germany since the Bismarck era).

Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich


The most powerful party in Germany was in peace social democracy, powerful first as mass and furthermore powerful due to highly placed benefactors. At the moment Bismarck stepped down, these benefactors took the leadership into their hands.

Speech of April 27, 1923 in Munich


The old giant in the German state life, Bismarck!…When he went, the rule of the halves, of the luke warm came.

Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich


Who was then really the regent in the year 1914, who could be guilty for the war, the Kaiser? Does one really believe that this man could unleash a war, which encompassed the whole world? Who were the advisors of Wilhelm II back then, perhaps the All-Germans? No, the gentlemen Ballin, Bleichröder, Mendelssohn etc., a whole brood of Hebrews. That was the unofficial government. What power these people possessed, one could already see earlier in the days in which the Reich’s founder (Bismarck) had to leave Berlin, because this court camarilla wanted it so.

Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich


The old Reich at least made an honest attempt to be social. We had social beginnings to show like no other land in the whole world! In living quarters and factories there was for the greater part hygiene, wash rooms, light and air as opposed to the November republic, whose „residence offices” had people perched in rabbit hutches. The old Reich built schools, hospitals, economic institutes, which aroused the amazement and envy of the whole world. In the November republic such cultural places perished daily. That the old Reich was social in this sense, that it did not allow itself to see its people just as numbers, therein existed its great danger for the world stock market.

Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich


We once had a blossoming Reich. It was not built upon conquests, on the foreign goods of foreign folks, it was only the result of an endless work, unspeakable diligence, countless efforts and cares of our own folk comrades.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


It is the fault of the German folk that in 1912 it did not piece together itself those three army corps, which a criminal Reichstag in fathomless badness and stupidity denied! With those additional 120,000 men the Marne Battle would have been won, the war decided. Two million German heroes fewer would have sank into the grave! But who knocked the weapon out of the German folk’s hand in 1912 as well as in 1918? Who back then as in the last year blinded the German folk with that theory: „The whole world will thrown down the weapons, if Germany does it”, who? – the democratic-Marxist Jew, who at the same hour and up to the present agitated and agitates the others to armament and to subjugation of „barbaric” Germany.

Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich


There was a time, when we were affluent, a wealthy folk and yet inwardly poor, divided and disunited, a folk, which no longer knew what to do with its material wealth.

Speech of June 18, 1934 in Gera


England has well recognized this first principle (without power no successful economic policy) of state life, of state health and for centuries acts according to the principle of transforming economic strength into political power, and political power must again the other way around protect economic life.

Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich


England with the eternally constant goal, to balkanize Europe and establish a European balance of power, so that its global position is not threatened. It is not a principle enemy Germany, rather the power, which tries to achieve the first position in Europe.

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich


Because this last social state of the world (Germany) had to be smashed, twenty-six folks of the world were agitated against each other by this press, which finds itself exclusively in the possession of one and the same global folk (the Jews), one and the same race, which is basically mortally hostile to all national states!

Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich


Conflicts in Europe before the World War:…England and Russia were in trade competition in the lowlands of Bengal, in Afghanistan etc. England already stood 140 years in competition with France for hegemony. Despite the jointly waged robber war they have remained old rivals down to this hour. France on the other hand had a conflict of interest with Italy, especially in North Africa. On the other hand, no conflict ever existed between Germany and Russia, quite the opposite, the industrial state Germany urgently needed additional years of peace, the agrarian state Russia needed many other things, but in no way any territorial expansion at the expense of Imperial Germany. Likewise, there was no friction at all between Germany and Italy: Nonetheless, in a cunningly conducted game of intrigue first Russia was agitated against Germany and finally the whole world against us.

The lies of Germany’s war guilt: For neither the Kaiser nor the government nor the folk wanted this war!

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam


Germany or its government supposed bear the guilt for the outbreak of the (World) War: This claim was knowingly and objectively false.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


We cannot state to the world often enough that the claim of Germany’s guilt for the war is untrue, that it was signed against knowing better out of fear. For us this is a warning not to resort to a like lie out of fear of the present.

Speech of November 1, 1933 in Weimar


Again and again we must freely and publicly affirm to the world that one has not convinced the German folk and cannot convince it that it bears the guilt for this terrible war.

Speech of November 2, 1933 in Essen


Without guilt for the war our folk became a victim of the same!

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


The Germanic folk fought so heroically only because it was devoutly convinced it had been unjustly attacked and hence in the right in the fight. Of the greatness of the sacrifices, which it back then – dependent almost on itself alone – had to make, other nations hardly had an idea! If in these months (end of 1918) the world had extended its hand in a fair manner to the sunken down opponent, much suffering and countless disappointments would have been spared humanity!

Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin


The German folk lost this World War, because it believed there could perhaps be unvanquished, and did not comprehend that in this world there are only victors or servants.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich


All of present Russia now presents nothing more than a ruined culture and a ripe colony for management by foreign capital.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


That, what happened in 1918, was not high treason, rather treason against the land, which can never be legalized.

Speech of February 26, 1924 in Munich


That is the guilt of the Jew, that he agitated the broad mass into the insanity of November…

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich


And at home: A political leadership wavers and collapses before a band of pitiful deserters, because they were too cowardly to stand before the enemy, and the homeland capitulates to these cowards. One should not say: „There was no other way.” – Only for this leadership was there no other way!

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


When in November 1918 the collapse came, we felt the crush of this catastrophe doubly hard because not the army as such failed, rather the homeland.

Speech to the folk comrades in Danzig of May 27, 1933


The monarchy died at the moment when none of the twenty-six monarchs – in accordance to Bismarck’s demand – were ready to die fighting on the steps of the throne.

Speech of August 21, 1923 in Munich


If the republic had called out on the day of its founding: „Germans, gather, resist! The fatherland, the republic expects of you that you fight to the last breath!” millions, who you today have as opponents, would have been fanatical republicans!

Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich


One should just remember the attitude toward the revolution (1918)!: Who made it? A tiny fraction of the populace. The great part of the folk wanted peace, but not a pig pen. But the revolution proved itself to be totally incapable of bringing this peace, quite the opposite: It did not want to bring it at all.

Speech of April 20, 1923 in Munich


The revolution of November 1918 ended a struggle, which the German nation had entered with the most sacred conviction of only protecting its freedom and hence its life right.

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam


With a, I want to say: bronze firmness these states (England and France) are in Jewish shackles, as long as the Jew himself does not sense the necessity and the expediency of a change in this condition. This change, however, will come there as well in the foreseeable future.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


For two millennia our folk has been accompanied by this changing fate. Again and again, the rise follows the fall. The causes were always the same. The German, buried in himself, disunited in spirit, divided in his wanting and thus impotent indeed, become lethargic in the assertion of his own life. He dreams of right in the stars and loses the ground on earth.

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam


After a time of heroic rise, rich blossoming and prospering in all areas of our life, have (since November 1918) – as so often in the past – distress and poverty come again.

The „achievements of the (November) revolution” were – taken altogether – only for the smallest portion of our folk pleasant ones, but for the overwhelming majority, leastwise insofar as they had to earn their daily bread through honest work – infinitely sad ones.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


The sum of distress, suffering and misery, which have since then come to small worker families and small households, cannot be justified by the criminals of November 1918. So, they should not complain about anything today. We did not take revenge. If we wanted to take revenge – we would have had to slain them by the tens of thousands!

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


The revolution (1918) also did not create a single monetary asset for the German folk, rather a vast pile of bogus paper notes.

Speech of August 1, 1923 in Munich


So we were the first who declared that this peace treaty (of Versailles) was a crime.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich


The peace treaty of Versailles is no peace treaty. It belongs, on the contrary, to the category of those political tribute diktats, which carry within them the seed for later wars.

Open letter to Brüning of October 14, 1931


Peace Treaty of Versailles: This treaty is based on two false premises. First: The outbreak of the war, in which there must naturally always be victor and vanquished, could for time eternal now be the valid legal norm in the life of folks, that means for always the victor would also be in the right and the vanquished without rights. This is an impossible premise, upon which no community of folks can be built. The second premise, which is just as false, is this: to believe one folk is better off, the more another folk is worse off- a monstrous mistake!

Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin


The last peace…was not to be measured with the ruler of reason at all. What does it have to do with reason, if on the one hand one cannot remove from the planet the fact of a sixty-five million nation and on the other hand takes away its life possibilities? This peace treaty is based on the capitalist error that the misfortune of one must be the good fortune of the other, on the error that the economic misfortune of one folk would bring the economic good fortune of the other.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


From the absurdity of eternal victors and eternal vanquished came the lunacy of reparations and as a result the catastrophe of the world economy.

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam


The „reparation” is nothing more than a „legal means” in order to ruin a state with the appearance of right.

Speech of May 4, 1923 in Munich


Germany has with downright suicidal loyalty fulfilled the imposed obligations despite their inherent unreasonableness and the foreseeable consequences.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin


When has ever a peace been concluded in the world, which does not even reveal to the opponent a fixed sum of the debt, rather simply says: This folk obligates to pay, what is later accessed? And what was assessed? One never reached a final result in this assessment. The sums fluctuated between 100 and 200 billion, sums, which naturally could never be paid at all.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


440 paragraphs (contained in the Versailles Treaty), of which most make one’s face turn red while reading, a peace, which is not to be compared with similar events in previous times.

Speech of October 24, 1924 in Berlin


What purpose do demands have, if the one, who signs them, knows: „I cannot fulfill that at all” – and the opponent also says: „We do not believe that you can fulfill that!” – what meaning does all that have?

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


There is no recovery of the German folk with this peace treaty…! The treaty is made in order to kill off twenty million Germans and to ruin the German nation.

Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich


The peace treaty is unbearable: Its economic execution invariably means our political enslavement, its political execution leads to economic enslavement. Therefore, the elimination of this treaty is a necessity, it is the prerequisite for any at all possible later recovery.

Speech of April 20, 1923 in Munich


It would have to be the goal of any permanent treaty not to rip wounds or keep open existing ones, rather to close wounds and to heal.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin


For all the present unrest causing problems lie in the shortcomings of the peace treaty, which was not able to contemplate for all time the most important and decisive questions of that time, to clearly and rationally solve them. Neither the national nor the economic or even the legal matters and demands of the folks were solved by this treaty in a manner that they could stand up forever to the critique of reason. It is thus natural that the idea of a revision not only belongs to the permanent accompanying manifestations of the effects of this treaty, rather the revision was even foreseen by its authors as necessary and thus has a legal anchor in the treaty itself.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin


This treaty has the idea everywhere: How can one artificially maintain the discord for the future?

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


It is not to be contested that after more than thirteen years of this peace treaty, Europe has brought no peace, rather eternal disquiet, unrest, distrust, insecurity, desperation.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


Armies of millions of unemployed are the living witness to the unreasonableness of those who made these treaties.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


The greatest atrocities in Germany happen in the name of the Peace Treaty of Versailles. Due to the peace treaty about

20.0 people take their own life in Germany annually, and those were decent people, decent people, who could no longer live decently, because this treaty has destroyed all life prospects and life possibilities.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


Since the day of the signing of this treaty, which was supposed to be the cornerstone for a new and better future for all folks, 224.0 people – almost solely out of need and misery – with their free will took their own lives, men and women, oldsters and children!

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin


If the peace treaty could have come in the form in which it was burdened upon us, then only because Germany at the point in time of its composition had totally ceased to somehow be a significant factor. And if this peace treaty in its effect took the forms, which we all recognize in it and experienced, then also only because in all these years a Germany of whatever kind of specific and discernible will of its own did not exist. We are thus not the victims of the treaties, rather the treaties are the consequences of our mistakes, and I must, if I want to improve the situation at all, first again change the value of the nation.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf


The craziest political and economic burdens of this treaty have fundamentally destroyed the German folk’s trust in any judicial justice in this world. Among many millions of people, however, invariably feelings of hatred were incited against a world order, in which the ongoing defamation and discrimination against a great folk was supposed to be possible simply because it once had the misfortune to lose a war forced upon it after heroic resistance.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin


Not the proletarian has become master, rather the Galician Jew replaced falling kings.

Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich


But if the republic (of 1918) would at least satisfy the stomach, if it were at least a „social republic”! But it is not that either. It is neither national nor social.

Speech of April 24, 1923 in Munich


We know after all that a great man, who today – we can say: decisively – has intervened in world history, Benito Mussolini, found his way back to his folk in this honor of realization.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


Fascism as an example-giving historical deed (accomplished) the salvation of the Italian folk.

It is the final triumph of the old army that the national Germany in the year 1925 found no better representative than the… General Field-Marshal of the World War (P. v. Hindenburg).

Speech of August 7, 1934 in Tannenberg


In the life of folks there are years in which the decision over existence or non-existence is made for coming centuries.

Speech of February 7, 1934 in Berlin


Great changes cannot take place in the life of folks, if not – I almost want to say – an urgent need for them is present. One can make no really deep reaching revolution, if the folk does not inwardly shout for such a revolution.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


You will never bring the Bavarian name more honour than if Bavaria becomes bound to the liberation of the German nation from its accursed enemy domestically and to the recovery only possible thereby.

Speech of September 5, 1923 in Munich


Not the will and the self-determination right of the German people do we want to rape, rather only drive out the rapists of the nation.

Speech of July 13, 1934 in Berlin


On January 30, 1933 the National Socialist party was entrusted with the political leadership of the Reich, at the end of March the National Socialist revolution was externally concluded.

Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


On January 30, 1933 a new government was not formed still again, rather a new power eliminated an old and sick era.

The National Socialist revolution would not have succeeded, if it had not come from world-view foundations.

Speech of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg


And when I bring up the atrocity of say the French Revolution (of 1789), then I can only say: We have at any rate not set up any guillotines, we have created no Vendee in Germany! Even the worst elements, we have merely segregated from the nation. Unfortunately, the rest of the world will not take them off our hands; we would gladly place them at their disposal.

Speech of October 24. 1933 in Berlin


The prerequisites for this process (of the National Socialist revolution) invariably formed and resulted from the development of long years. A terrible distress cried for relief, so that the hour just waited for the will, which was ready to carry out the historical mission.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin


Unfortunately, fate did not make us the inheritor of a booming business, rather of a totally bankrupt enterprise.

Speech of September 9, 1934 at Bückeberg


From the whole Reich came a single cry for help: the cities before financial ruin, the provinces and village communities before collapse or better right in their midst industry facing the closing of the last factories, trade facing complete cessation, the peasantry in many regions in the middle of foreclosure, a third of all work-able people damned to unemployment lines and everywhere debts and empty cash-boxes!

Speech of September 30, 1934 at Bückeberg


God first let our folk triumph for four and a half years, then humiliated us, imposed a time of shamelessness upon us, but has now after a fourteen-year struggle allowed us to reach its overcoming.

Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich


This struggle for the rejuvenation of our folk was continuously made more difficult by the fact that countless people simply do not wish for the success so necessary for the nation, simply because it contradicted and opposed their party doctrine and their special interests. We could never tell of these people whether they perhaps asked themselves whether our struggle for the freedom and for the daily bread of our folk would be successful. No, we always just saw furious disappointment, if the hoped for failure did not come. Many things would go better and above all more easily in Germany, if these interested parties of German fractionalization and impotence would not in every way possible create obstacles for the nation’s resurrection.

Speech of September 30, 1934 at the Bückeberg


As so often in German history it will again be proven that the German folk, the greater the distress becomes, has all the more strength to find the path upward and forward.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


After fifteen years of desperation a great folk has again steadied itself, determinedly begun to struggle for its life in order to, under its own energy and according to its own purpose, shape it anew.

Speech of May 1, 1933 in Berlin


We all feel it today that two worlds struggle with each other and not only among us, rather everywhere we look, in now oppressed Russia and in Italy, in France and in England etc., a pitiless struggle between the ideals of the national-folkish inclined and the intangible supra-governmental international.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


When has the German folk ever broken its word? It has, unfortunately, mostly kept its word too stubbornly and all too faithfully! If we had not stood by our allies in the World War so stubbornly and loyally, then Germany would have perhaps done better. We protest against it that one wants to judge the character of a folk by its emigrants. We also do not judge other folks by those would curse their state to us. We do not insult Englishmen and Frenchmen based on somebody who ran off, who is just as little at home here as previously in Paris and tomorrow in London. Those are not the valuable elements of a nation. Valuable are those who are there, who work and produce, and not the international gypsies.

Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin


We have learned from history that in the long run life is given to those folks, who are willing to represent their life, their honor before the world.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


The German folk is convinced that its military honor has remained pure and spotless in a thousand battles.

Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin


It is the blood substance of our nation, which has in long centuries again and again proven itself, which we recognized and which therefore also never lets us despair.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


It (German posterity) will one day be our judge, and I know it will let us enter into the pantheon of national history. It will ascertain and affirm: Here, for the first time after a thousand years of failure and wrong paths, men have put together the German people and created one folk from the inside out.

Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich


World history is even today much less a portrayal of the normal course and flow of the life of folks than much more a treatment of their critical years.

Speech of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg


Already in the term „world-view” lies the solemn proclamation of the decision to base all action on a specific starting view and thus visible tendency. Such a view can be correct or incorrect: It is the starting point for the taking of a position toward all manifestations and events of life and thus a binding and obligating law for all working. The more such a view coincides with the natural laws of organic life, the more useful will their conscious application be for the life of a folk.

Speech September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


All historically determinable world-views are only comprehensible in their connect to the life purposes and life-view of specific races. It is hence very difficult to take a position regarding the correctness or incorrectness of such views, if one does not check their effect on people to which one wants to know them applied or not.

Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


What perhaps only a few philosophically talented spirits are in the position to scientifically analyse, the spirit of the unspoiled man feels with sure instinct.

Speech of September 8. 1934 in Nuremberg


Woe, if today this idealism in our folk perishes and the person’s worth is supposed to be measured according to the external luxuries of life, which have fallen to him. The worth of our folk would then no longer be a great one and its existence not a long one!

Speech of May 1, 1933 in Berlin If…the National Socialist mission is supposed to obtain its inner justification, then it will have to lift German man from the depth of a solely materialistic life-view to the heights of a worthy representation of that, which we mean by the term „human being”.

Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


At all times…world-views have determined not only the essence of politics, rather also the image of cultural life. The poets have sung of heroes, if heroic times had them appear, or they enter the lowlands of everyday life, if the time became non-heroic and people corresponding to it set the tone.

Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


The cosmopolitan contemplativeness is rapidly disappearing. Heroism passionately rises as the coming shaper and leader of political fates.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


Nietzsche’s words that a blow, which does not knock a man down, only makes him stronger, finds its thousandfold confirmation.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg

Adolf Hitler About Religion


It is no coincidence that religions are more stable than forms of government. They mostly tend to sink their roots deeper into the earth; they would not be conceivable at all without this broad folk.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


In that the government is determined to undertake the political and moral detoxification of our public life, it creates and secures the prerequisites for a really deep return of religious life.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


The Reich government, which sees in Christianity the unshakeable fundaments of the folk’s ethics and morality.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


And no less have we taken up the struggle against the decomposition of religion. Without us committing ourselves to any denomination, we have nonetheless again given faith the prerequisite, because we were of the conviction that the folk requires and needs this faith. We have thus taken up the struggle against godlessness not with a few theoretical declarations, we have exterminated it.

Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin


The discussion of the new state with both Christian denominations: Filled with the wish to secure for the German folk the great religious, ethical and moral values anchored in both Christian denominations, we have eliminated the political organizations, but strengthened the religious institutions. For a contract with the energetic National Socialist state is more valuable to a church than the struggle of denominational federations, which in their coalition-determined politics of compromise must also buy personnel advantages for party supporters with the surrender of ideals and of the really inner religious education and consolidation of the folk. We all, however, live in the expectation that the merger of the evangelical provincial churches and denominations into a German evangelical Reich church may give real satisfaction to the yearning of those, who believe they must fear in the absent-mindedness of evangelical life a weakening of the strength of the evangelical faith in itself. In that the National Socialist state has in this year proven its respect for the strength of the Christian denominations, it expects the same respect from the denominations for the strength of the National Socialist state!

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin


We have endeavoured to produce the reconciliation of the denominations with the new state, are determined – insofar as the evangelical denominations are meant – to end their purely organizational fractionalization in a great evangelical Reich church, filled with the conviction that it is not acceptable to make a virtue out of the respect and consideration for the individual states, forced on Martin Luther by need, in a time when the states themselves already no longer exist. And we know: If the great reformer stood among us, then he would – happy to have escaped the need of that time – just like Ulrich von Hutten in his last prayer, think not of provincial churches, rather of Germany and his evangelical church.

Proclamation of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg


The national government sees in both Christian denominations the most important factors for the preservation of our folkdom. It will respect the contracts made between them and the provinces. Their rights should not be infringed. It expects, however, and hopes that the work on the national and moral rejuvenation of our folk, which the government has made its task, likewise receives the same appreciation. It will deal with all other denominations with objective justice. But it cannot tolerate that membership in a specific denomination or in a specific race could be a release from the general legal obligations or even a license for unpunished committing or toleration of crimes. The concern of the government is directed at the honest coexistence of church and state.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


Not we, rather those before us, distanced themselves from it (from Christianity). We have merely made a clean separation between politics, which concerns itself with earthly things, and religion, which must occupy itself with the spiritual.

Speech of August 27, 1934 at Ehrenbreitstein


And above all, we have removed the priests from the marsh of political party conflict and led them back into the church again. It is our will that they should never return to an area, which is not created for them, which degrades them and must invariably bring them into opposition to millions of people, who inwardly want to be devout, but who want to see priests who serve God and not a political party!

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


Lord, you see, we have changed. The German folk is no longer the folk of dishonour, of shame, of self-mutilation, of faint-heartedness and of small faith. No, Lord, the German folk is strong again in its will, strong in its perseverance, strong in the endurance of all sacrifices. Lord, we will not depart from you! Now bless our struggle for our freedom and thus our German folk and fatherland!

Speech of May 1, 1933 in Berlin


Heinrich Himmler on Atheism

Adolf Hitler About the Mastered Fate


I am, due to my unique life path, perhaps more able than any other to understand and comprehend the essence and the life of the diverse German strata, not because I could perhaps view this life from the top down, rather because I have myself experienced it, because I stood in the middle of this life, because fate – in its caprice or perhaps also in its Providence – simply hurled me into this broad mass folk and people, because I myself laboured for years as a worker at a construction site and had to earn my bread, and because I then for a second time again stood for years in the broad mass as a common soldier, and because life then shoved me into other strata of our folk, so that I become better acquainted with them than countless who had been born into them. So perhaps fate has determined me more than anybody else to be – I may use this term for myself – the honest broker, the honest broker toward every side.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


I was a worker in my youth…, and I then gradually worked my way up, through industriousness, through learning and, I can say, also through hungering. In my innermost essence, however, I have always remained what I was before.

Speech of November 10, 1933 n Berlin


I left Vienna as an absolute anti-Semite, as a mortal enemy of the whole Marxist world-view, all-German in my political thinking – and because I knew that German fate for German- Austria as well will not be fought out in the Austrian army, rather in the German and Austrian army.

Speech of February 26, 1924 in Munich


When on November 7 it was proclaimed that the revolution had broken out in Munich, I could not believe it at first. But then the decision emerged within me to turn to politics. I experienced the Soviet period and as a result of the resistance against it came into contact with the National Socialist German Workers’ Movement in a political course. I was the seventh one. That I joined this party and not one of the big parties, where my chances would have been better, had its reason in that the former parties did not recognize and did not perceive the decisive basic problem.

Speech of February 26, 1924 in Munich


I am firmly convinced that a large portion of the German nation in these days of November and December 1918, and even yet in 1919, was totally of the view that, if Germany continued on this inner political path, it would outwardly as well rapidly approach an end. Hence the same view as I had. There was only one difference. I said to myself back then: It is not enough to recognize that we have been ruined, rather it is also necessary to comprehend, why! And that, too, is not enough, rather it is necessary to take up the struggle against this destructive development and to create for oneself the necessary instrument for that.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf


When thirteen years ago I, an unknown man and German soldier, entered political life, I only obeyed the command of my conscience. I saw the conditions coming…I could not force myself, like millions of others, to remain silent or to without resistance bend to those, who according to all historical experience and human insight through their action had to drive Germany to ruin. For thirteen years I have, on the basis of the consciousness of duty, taken a stand against the parties and men responsible for the German collapse. In countless assemblies I have illustrated their behaviour and predicted the consequences of this behaviour. It was a difficult struggle, as an unknown, nameless soldier to call to life a movement against those who then ruled Germany and to whom… all paths and means of public life stood to their disposal. They could hence easily keep silent about me at first, could later mock me, could ban me from speaking, suppress the movement, restrict propaganda… Only one thing could they not do: They could not refute me!

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


The non-political fighter of the World War now became a fighting politician.

Speech of August 17, 1934 in Hamburg


Personally, I stood at a lost post at the start. Nonetheless, in the course of a few years a movement has grown from the small band of six men, which today embraces millions and which, above all, makes especially the broad masses national again. It was clear to us that we could not manage it with the old methods of whining and entreating. A government cannot protect an intellectual movement. Hence we decided on the principle: For those who are willing to fight with intellectual means, we have the intellect, for the others the fist! The propaganda machine was joined by the Storm Troop in order to prevent it that our movement would be terrorized, our supporters beaten down. There were after all places where we could not hold assemblies for a long time.

Speech of February 26, 1924 in Munich


So in the year 19 I established a program and set down a tendency, which intentionally slapped the pacifist-democratic world in the face.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg


For you, my workers, can well imagine this, that if a man in your life situation begins to found a movement, then successes do not fly to him; that is obvious. It takes a lot of tenacity and a strong will just to start this work. And this I want to say to you today: If I had this faith, then I only had it, because I knew the folk and because I never doubted the quality of the German folk.

Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin


In such a time one must be very hard and must, above all, not budge a centimetre from his right.

Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin


If I am once convinced that a specific course is the only and correct one for my folk, then I hold to it, come what may. And what I do, I do openly!

Interview of April 3, 1934 in Berlin


We did not fold our hands in our lap, rather we toiled day after day.

Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin


One can believe me when I assure that in my life, I have never allowed worries about my own fate to come up.

Speech of July 13, 1934 in Berlin


When I speak of cares, I never think of capitulation!

Speech of September 30, 1934 at Bückeberg


If I have for years, in all situations and under all circumstances, believed in the victory of the National Socialist movement, then this unshakeable conviction came from a thorough thinking through of the laws of life and the laws of development. My political opponents neglected to do the same.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg


What you experienced in these two years (1933,1934) was born back then in Landsberg.

Speech of November 9, 1934 in Munich


My previous life has been a struggle; but I have never capitulated, and I have reached the goal.

Speech of November 6, 1933 in Kiel


I have never as a private person pushed my way into a fine society, which did not want me or did not view me as equal in worth. I did not need it then, and the German folk has just as much character.

Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin


What stood before my eyes was from the first day on a thousand times more than to become a state minister. I wanted to become the destroyer of Marxism: I will solve this task! And if I solve it, then the title of state minister would be ridiculous for me.

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich


In the thirteen years of my struggle for Germany, I have had to put up with so much persecutions and personal attacks that I gradually really learned to put the great cause, which I serve, above the miserable own self.

Letter of November 16, 1932 to v. Papen


I also never want to have business cards printed for myself with the designations, which are so gloriously bestowed on one in this earthly world. On my gravestone I want to have nothing other than my name.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


That, what moves me, is not perhaps the idea to now be satisfied, because the present has given me the position, which I could just demand from it, rather we have the feeling: Now we want to acquire the confirmation from posterity that we taken this position by right.

Speech of November 6, 1933 in Elbing


We ask, Lord God, never let us become wavering and cowardly, never let us forget the duty, which we have assumed!

Speech of March 4, 1933 in Königsberg


I only want that posterity once confirms of me that I have decently and honestly endeavoured to make my program reality.

Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin


I promise that I, under full utilization of my person and my movement, want to dedicate myself to the salvation of our fatherland.

Letter of November 23, 1932 to the State Secretary in the Reich Presidium (Dr. Meissner)


What the present thinks of me, means nothing to me. What the future hopes from me, that I know, and we hence also want to fulfil that!

Speech of June 19, 1933 in Erfurt


I confidently hope thereby that, if fate should at any hour take me from my position, my successor acts no differently, and, in the event he also must leave the position, the third after us is ready with no less determination to look after the securing of folk and nation.

Speech of July 13, 1934 in Berlin


Each only hears the sound to which his innermost is attuned.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg


In order to be able to criticize, one must have learned something oneself. What one has learned, however, one proves through the deed!

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching


Only he is justified to make criticism, who can better solve a task.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


The heroic idea…must always be ready to renounce the approval of the present, if truthfulness and truth demand it.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


It is glorious to live in a time, which puts great tasks to its people!

Speech of October 16, 1933 in Munich


Before God and the world the stronger always has the right to accomplish his will. History proves: Whoever does not have the strength, is not helped at all by „right in itself’!

Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich


Whoever…wants to win in this world, must risk.

Speech of August 17, 1934 in Hamburg


Sure, nerves and iron tenacity are the best guarantors for successes in this world.

Proclamation of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg


I welcome ambition.

Interview of April 3, 1934 in Berlin


Every fight must be fought out. It is better, it comes sooner than later. And most securely always stands the one, who from the start enters the fight most confidently.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


Heroism is necessary not only on the battlefield, rather also on the soil of the homeland.

Speech of February 26, 1934 in Munich


My Christian feeling directs me toward my Lord and Saviour as fighter.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich


As a Christian I do not have the duty to pull the cloak over my eyes, rather I have the obligation to be a fighter for truth and right.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich


Whoever wants to talk the golden middle road, must renounce the achievement of greater and greatest goals.

Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich


One does not beg for a right! For a right, one fights!

Speech of August 1, 1923 in Munich


Right was always still worthless, if a power did not put itself behind the right.

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich


It belongs to the decency of a real man to possess the courage for a just self-evaluation.

Proclamation of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg


The prerequisite for the deed: initially the will and the courage for truthfulness.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich


I believe that with all that it is necessary to honestly tell the truth, and that one must not – out of fear of ignorance or the folk’s disfavour or unpopularity – renounce presenting things as they actually are.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


One should not come to us with word games; we reject that.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin


Honour is just as little an empty illusion as loyalty is. Without them one cannot live in this world.

What I sign, I keep. What I cannot keep, I will never sign.

Interview of October 18, 1933 in Berlin


As long as I live I will never put my signature as a statesman on a treaty, which I would never sign as an honourable man in private life, even if it ruined me!

Interview of October 18, 1933 in Berlin


Whoever is leader today, must be an idealist already because he leads those against whom apparently all have sworn.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


I am always affirmed the view that there is nothing more beautiful than to be the advocate of those who cannot well defend themselves.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


I am…of the opinion, if a man knows he can do a thing, he should not be modest.

Speech of February 26, 1924 in Munich


One should not always speak about rights, rather one should then also speak about duty!

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


I know…that words and speeches fade, and effort and drudgery remain. However, nothing has yet fallen to earth from heaven.

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching


Providence…will in the end…reward the dauntless, the honest.

Speech of October 2, 1933 in Hameln


However, I know one thing: One will achieve nothing at all in this world, if one loses oneself in a thousand projects and always starts something new, instead of taking up one task and, stubbornly and fanatically, struggling for its fulfilment.

Speech of May 1, 1934


No, what you want to possess – you must again and again acquire it for yourself, you must again and again fight anew.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin


Nothing, which is great in this world, was given as a gift to man. Everything had to be bitterly, difficulty won in struggle.

Speech of May 1, 1933 in Berlin


The eternal principle… holds true that there, where an unbending will rules, a need can also be broken.

Speech of April 5, 1933 in Berlin


Remain firm up to the most extreme resistance!

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich


It is beautiful and advantageous to know power is in strong hands, however, it is more beautiful and satisfying to be able to call the love and affection of a folk one’s own!

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


Individual fates, which form from a hundred-thousand seeming coincidences, untangle and appear as the countless stations of a very clearly predetermined path, which either leads downward, that means to the end of a folk, or upward to its ongoing self- assertion and thus to its continued life.

Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg


I feel myself as a best German, who has wanted the best for the German folk.

Speech of February 26, 1924 in Munich


I ate (has) taught me…in worried concern with each thought to hold tight to the dearest thing, which is given us in the world: the German folk and the German Reich!

Speech of July 13, 1934 in Berlin


Whatever my fate as well will be: As long as I live I will fight for the German folk’s recovery and resurrection, for its future, its happiness and its greatness!

„Adolf Hitler’s Program“, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


Whoever so remains loyal to his folk, should himself never be forgotten in loyalty!

Speech of August 6, 1934 in Berlin


Power Through Ignorance: A Detestable Jewish Scheme

Source: http://www.renegadetribune.com/power-through-ignorance-a-detestable-jewish-scheme/

One of the most nefarious uses the jews make of their influence over White societies is to enforce an unrelenting ignorance upon us. An ignorance of White racial history is a critical cornerstone that supports the bleak edifice of jewish power. Perhaps even more important to the continuation of the Hebraic hegemony is keeping the White race blind to the crimes committed by jews against our race, and how glaringly, gallingly repetitive those crimes have been throughout history.

We are forced to learn about other races and their alien cultures, but only in the most superficial and carefully sanitized ways. It is no coincidence that kosher propagandists masquerading as educators present non-White history and culture in the most beneficent light possible, intentionally manipulating the minds of the unwary and gullible. The atrocious behaviors of the non-White races are conveniently omitted; and when those behaviors are too horrific to be ignored, they are endlessly excused. The most conspicuous absence from the mandatory alien culture indoctrination is any mention of jews and their habitual promotion of indolence, reckless degeneracy, fraud-based economics, and nation-wrecking.

Our failure to learn from the past, in no small part because of the complete kosher corruption of our educational institutions, has left the vast majority of White people ill-equipped to resist the temptations offered by the rootless, disingenuous jew: hedonism, perversion, and instant gratification – the cost of which is the very future existence of our race. If we are ever to confront the jewish menace that is ruining our homelands and eradicating our race, a larger number of White people must become aware of the problem.

There are many White people who recognize pieces of the problem: from wages that grow more worthless each day because of runaway price increases, to being unable to afford a family, to mind-numbing “transactional” jobs that create no real value, to the endless flood of sullen, rapacious aliens into our formerly safe and prosperous communities. Some White people merely have a vague feeling of unease, as if they are now foreigners in the towns of their birth. It is our duty to help these White people see the bigger picture, and to see how the symptoms they have noticed (and will often openly discuss) are caused by a single malady – an infestation of jewish parasites that are working tirelessly to kill their host. The consistency with which the jews wreck nations, the commonality in their malevolent methods wherever they ply their anti-White subversion and degeneracy, is made plain by the records left to us by our predecessors in the struggle against our implacable jewish enemies. We have truth and the historical record on our side, and we must sound them as an alarm for the slumbering Whites. We must awaken our people to the jewish-orchestrated White genocide.

The following is an essay entitled “We Demand” by Joseph Goebbels, and originally published in the periodical Der Angriff on July 25, 1927. Although Goebbels writes specifically about Germany, the conditions he describes are an accurate depiction of every White country today:

The German people is an enslaved people. Under international law, it is lower than the worst Negro colony in the Congo. One has taken all sovereign rights from us. We are just good enough that international capital allows us to fill its money sacks with interest payments. That and only that is the result of a centuries-long history of heroism. Have we deserved it? No, and no again!

Therefore we demand that a struggle against this condition of shame and misery begin, and that the men in whose hands we put our fate must use every means to break the chains of slavery.

Three million people lack work and sustenance. The officials, it is true, work to conceal the misery. They speak of measures and silver linings. Things are getting steadily better for them, and steadily worse for us. The illusion of freedom, peace and prosperity that we were promised when we wanted to take our fate in our own hands is vanishing. Only complete collapse of our people can follow from these irresponsible policies.

Thus we demand the right of work and a decent living for every working German.

While the front soldier was fighting in the trenches to defend his fatherland, some Eastern Jewish profiteer robbed him of hearth and home. The Jew lives in the palaces and the proletarian, the front soldier, lives in holes that do not deserve to be called “homes.” That is neither necessary nor unavoidable, but rather an injustice that cries out to the heavens. A government that stands by and does nothing is useless and must vanish, the sooner the better.

Therefore we demand homes for German soldiers and workers. If there is not enough money to build them, drive the foreigners out so that Germans can live on German soil.

Our people is growing, others diminishing. It will mean the end of our history if a cowardly and lazy policy takes form us the posterity that will one day be called to fulfill our historical mission.

Therefore we demand land on which to grow the grain that will feed our children.

While we dreamed and chased strange and unreachable fantasies, others stole our property. Today some say this was an act of God. Not so. Money was transferred from the pockets of the poor to the pockets of the rich. That is cheating, shameless, vile cheating!

A government presides over this misery that in the interests of peace and order one cannot really discuss. We leave it to others to judge whether it represents Germany’s interests or those of our capitalist tormenters.

We however demand a government of national labor, statesmen who are men and whose aim is the creation of a German state.

These days anyone has the right to speak in Germany – the Jew, the Frenchman, the Englishman, the League of Nations, the conscience of the world, and the Devil knows who else. Everyone but the German worker. He has to shut up and work. Every four years he elects a new set of torturers, and everything stays the same. That is unjust and treasonous. We need tolerate it no longer. We have the right to demand that only Germans who build this state may speak, those whose fate is bound to the fate of their fatherland.

Therefore we demand the destruction of the system of exploitation! Up with the German workers’ state!

Germany for the Germans!

Adolf Hitler About the Peasant New Nobility


There is no rise, which does not begin at the root of national, folkish and economic life, the peasant.

Speech of May 1, 1933 in Berlin


Salvation of the peasantry means salvation of the German nation.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


The last decision over the success or failure of our work depends on the success of the salvation of the peasantry.

Speech of October 2, 1933 in Hameln


All fluctuations are in the end bearable, all blows of fate can be overcome, if a healthy peasantry is present.

Speech of April 5, 1933 in Berlin


The destruction of this peasantry in our folk would lead to the most severe consequences thinkable. The restoration of the profitability of agricultural enterprises may be difficult for the consumer. But the fate, which would strike the whole German folk, if the German peasant was ruined, would not be comparable to these difficulties.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin


We were convinced that the salvation of the German folk must proceed from the salvation of the peasantry. For if any other person must leave his work place or himself loses his business, he can one day find a new place again, found a new business through industriousness and ability; the peasant, however, who has once lost his farm, is usually lost forever. But woe, if this stratum is destroyed in a folk! One can more easily master any distress, but one alone can destroy a folk: When the daily bread is lacking, all experiments and theories stop!

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching


Any government, which overlooks the significance of such a supportive fundament (the peasantry), can only be a government for the moment. It can indeed rule and administer for a few years, but it will never achieve long-term or even eternal successes.

Speech of April 5, 1933 in Berlin


While I fight for the German future, I must for German soil and must fight for the German peasant. He gives us the people in the cities. He has been the eternal spring for millennia, and he must be preserved!

Speech of February 10, 1930 in Berlin


It was necessary for the salvation of the peasantry facing total ruin to take trade and price policy measures, through law, however, to again give the peasant a strong and indestructible support.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin


The salvation of German peasantry through safeguarding the German farm.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin


Tremendous sums of millions will serve to reduce payments as well as lower agricultural land tax.

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching


Every billion, which, instead of going to a foreign country, flows to the German peasant, as a result gives five or six billion in salaries and wages, which benefit the German worker.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


As long as a folk can pull back to a strong peasantry, it will again and again draw new strength from it.

Speech of April 5, 1933 in Berlin


I see… in the preservation and promotion of a healthy peasantry the best protection against social ills as well as against the racial degeneration of our folk.

„Adolf Hitler’s Program’’, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932


When I look across all the economic individual manifestations of the time, across all the political fluctuations, at the end always essentially remains the question of the preservation of the folkdom in itself. It will only be able to be favorably answered, if the problem of the preservation of the peasantry is solved.

Speech of April 5, 1933 in Berlin


The first and deepest representative of the folk… is that portion, which from the fertility of the earth feeds the people and from the fertility of the family propagates the nation. Just as liberalism and democratic Marxism denied the peasant, so does the National Socialist revolution consciously affirm it as the most secure bearer of the present, the sole guarantor for the future.

Speech of October 2, 1933 in Hameln


If a government already fights for the preservation of the German folkdom and thus also for the preservation of the German peasant, then precisely this German folkdom must unconditionally affirm the wants and the deeds of the government.

Speech of April 5, 1933 in Berlin


My German peasants!.. .You must not only be the stratum of nourishers, rather you must also be the stratum of will in the German lands!

Speech of October 2, 1933 in Hameln


I believe…that this government, while is sees its mission in the preservation of the German folkdom, which is in turn dependent in its interests on the preservation of the German peasant, will never make wrong decisions. It can perhaps here or there err in its means, but it will never do in the principle things.

Speech of April 5, 1933 in Berlin


 

Caricatures from “Der Stürmer” – translated in English and colourized – The Year 1938 – Part 8!

The Year 1938 – Part 8

08.Aug-1938-06

08.Aug-1938-07

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08.Aug-1938-09

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