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Category: Anti-Jewish Heroes

The Manifesto for the Abolition of Enslavement to Interest on Money

With explanations provided by Gottfried Feder, Dipl. Engineer


The Manifesto for the Abolition of Enslavement to Interest on Money

  1. What is Mammonism?
  2. What is the cure for Mammonism?
  3. The nine points of the Manifesto.

Implementation and Rationale

  1. Because of failed promises of the German Revolution of 1918 the people are tending more and more toward Bolshevism.
  2. The German folk are sick with Mammonism.
  3. Mammonism derives its power from interest on loans.
  4. The way to cure Mammonism is by abolishing interest on loans, especially war-bonds.
  5. The vast majority of Germans holding war-bonds really lose money because of them, because they have to pay taxes to cover the interest payments; only the largest holders of war-bonds have a net profit from them.
  6. Germany’s real wealth consists not in any material assets but in the productivity of the German people.
  7. If the obligation to pay interest on public debt were ended, the Bavarian state could abolish all direct and indirect taxes and fund itself entirely on the revenues from state-owned industries.
  8. Interest-payments are the reason why the state cannot do without taxes; those receiving the largest sums of interest pay relatively little in taxes. The Reich is financially in a much worse situation than the federal states.
  9. Comparison of the affluent bondholder, the working-class bondholder, and the dependent bondholder. Expansion of social welfare for the dependent bondholder after cancellation of interest.
  10. Instead of repaying the principal of war-bonds under cancellation of interest the state could simply declared the bonds to be currency.
  11. For other fixed-interest assets, including mortgages, repayment under cancellation of interest is recommended. This should solve the housing problem.
  12. A history of opposition to interest-slavery.
  13. Curtailment and prohibition of interest before the 19th century.
  14. Enshrinement of interest under the developing global order during the 19th century.
  15. Cancellation of interest will dissolve the interest- community within Germany and enables the German nation to unite against the Gold International.

The Conversion of War-Bonds into Bank-Credit

Rather than simply declare war-bonds to be currency, a better idea is to require that they be surrendered for conversion into bank-credit.

Special Comments on the Demand for Laws in the Manifesto

Elaboration of the nine points.

The Objections and their Refutation

Objections from various perspectives are addressed.

  1. Three objections based on a failure to comprehend how conditions would change under abolition of interest-slavery.
  2. A question from the perspective of a large bondholder.
  3. How is depriving investors of interest supposed to help the worker? d. What about the importance of inheritance in holding families together? e. Three objections from officials of the current system.
  4. The Communist complaint that abolition of interest will not abolish economic inequality.
  5. Social-Democracy is doomed because it is based on Marxist ideology, which does not recognize the radical difference between industrial capital and loan-capital. Social-Democratic government, as a moderate application of Marxism that fails, paves the way for Communism.
  6. The contemptible bourgeois and two objections from the bourgeois perspective. Won’t abolition of interest adversely affect savings? No. Is big loan-capital really not in some way productive? Only labor is productive.

Further Program

  1. Abolition of interest-slavery is the prerequisite for establishment of the social state.
  2. Reconstruction of the German state according to the true spirit of socialism.
  3. Liberation of the entire world from Jewish control.

Manifesto for the Abolition of Enslavement to Interest on Money

Mammonism is the heavy, all- encompassing and overwhelming sickness from which our contemporary cultural sphere, and indeed all mankind, suffers. It is like a devastating illness, like a devouring poison that has gripped the peoples of the world.

By Mammonism is to be understood: on the one hand, the overwhelming international money-powers, the supragovernmental financial power enthroned above any right of self-determination of peoples, international big capital, the purely Gold International; on the other hand, a mindset that has taken hold of the broadest circle of peoples; the insatiable lust for gain, the purely worldly- oriented conception of life that has already led to a frightening decline of all moral concepts and can only lead to more.

This mindset is embodied and reaches its acme in international plutocracy.

The chief source of power for Mammonism is the effortless and endless income that is produced through interest.

From the thoroughly immoral idea of interest on loans the Gold International was born. The mental and moral constitution grown from the lust for interest and profiteering of every kind has led to the frightening corruption of a part of the bourgeoisie.

The idea of interest on loans is the diabolical invention of big loan-capital; it alone makes possible the lazy drone’s life of a minority of tycoons at the expense of the productive peoples and their work-potential; it has led to profound, irreconcilable differences, to class-hatred, from which war among citizens and brothers was born.

The only cure, the radical means to heal suffering humanity is the abolition of enslavement to interest on money.

The abolition of enslavement to interest on money signifies the only possible and conclusive liberation of productive labor from the hidden coercive money- powers.

The abolition of enslavement to interest signifies the restoration of the free personality, the redemption of man from slavery, from the curse whereby Mammonism has bound his soul. Whoever wishes to fight capitalism, must abolish enslavement to interest.

Where must the abolition of enslavement to interest begin? With loan-capital! Why? Because loan-capital, compared to all industrial big capital, is so overpowering that the great money- powers can only be fought effectively through the abolition of interest-slavery.

20:1 is the proportion of loan-capital to industrial big capital. The German people must annually raise more than 12 billion in interest for loan-capital in the form of direct and indirect taxes, rent, and the rising cost of living, while even in the boom-years of the war the sum- total of all dividends distributed by the German joint-stock companies amounted to only 1 billion.

The avalanche-like growth of loan- capital surpasses all human capacity for calculation, through eternal, endless, and effortless income from interest, and from interest on interest.

What blessing does the abolition of enslavement to interest bring for the laboring folk of Germany, for the proletarians of all countries of the Earth? The abolition of enslavement to interest gives us the possibility of pursuing the repeal of all direct and indirect taxes. Hear this, you value-producing men of all lands, all states and continents: all state revenues flowing from direct and indirect sources pour constantly into the pockets of big loan-capital.

The profits of state-owned businesses, including the postal service, telegraph, telephone, railroad, mines, forests, and so on, suffice entirely for the funding of all essential state commitments for schools, universities, courts, administrative agencies, and social welfare.

Thus no true socialism will bring any blessing to humanity as long as the profits from public enterprises remain tributary to big loan-capital.

Therefore we demand as a fundamental law of the state, first for the German peoples, then as a fundamental law for all those kindred peoples that wish to enter with us into the cultural community of a league of nations, the following:

§ 1. War-bonds, along with all other debt-instruments of the German Reich, along with all other debt-instruments of the German federal states, especially railroad-bonds, as well as debenture-bonds of all local governments, are declared, under cancellation of the obligation for interest, to be legal tender for the face-value [or rather are to be converted into bank-credit].

§ 2. With all other fixed-interest papers, covered bonds, industrial bonds, mortgages, etc., the obligation for interest is replaced by the obligation to repay the principal; thus after 20 or 25 years, depending on the interest- rate, the lent capital is repaid and the debt retired.

§ 3. All real-estate debts, mortgages, etc., are to be paid off on installments of the same amount as the payments required hitherto, in keeping with the charges recorded in the land-register. The property in houses and land freed from debt in this manner becomes partly the property of the state or of the local government. [In this way the state becomes better situated to control and to lower rents.]

§ 4. The entire monetary system should be under the state’s central bank. All private banks likewise; postal-check banks, savings banks, and credit unions, all become affiliated as branch-operations.

§ 5. All credit for real estate is awarded only through the state’s bank. Personal credit and commercial credit are mandated to private bankers under a concession from the state. This concession is granted based on consideration of need, with a ban on the establishment of branches for certain districts. The scale of charges is fixed by the state.

§ 6. Equity-securities are paid off in the same manner as fixed- interest papers at the annual rate of 5%. Excess profits are paid out in part to the stockholders as compensation for “risked” capital (in contrast to fixed-interest and coin-backed papers), while the remaining surplus, by the sovereign right of labor, is either socially distributed or applied for the reduction of the prices of products.

§ 7. For all persons who for physical reasons (advanced age, illness, physical or mental work- disability, extreme youth) are not in a position to earn their livelihood, the interest-incomes from present capital assets continue to be paid as a pension at the same, and eventually even increased levels, in return for delivery of securities.

§ 8. In the interest of a reduction of the current inflation of paper money, a universal, strongly graduated tax on war-bond certificates and other debt- instruments of the Reich and of states is enacted. These papers are to be pulped.

§ 9. Through intensive enlightenment of the people, it is to be made clear to the people that money is and should be nothing other than a voucher for completed labor; that while every highly developed economy of course has need of money as a medium of exchange, the function of money also ends with that, and in no case should money be lent a supramundane power to grow of itself by means of interest, at the expense of productive labor.

Why have we not already done all this, which is so self-evident, which must be regarded as the Egg of Columbus for the social question? Because in our Mammonistic blindness we have unlearned how to see clearly that the doctrine of the sanctity of interest is a monstrous self-deception, that the gospel of the loan-interest that alone makes one blessed has entangled our entire thinking in the golden web of international plutocracy. Because we have forgotten and are deliberately kept in confusion by the omnipotent money- powers about the fact that — except in the case of a few rich people — the interest that seems so lovely, and is so beloved of the thoughtless, is completely offset by taxes. All of our tax-legislation is and remains, so long as we do not have liberation from enslavement to interest, only a tribute-obligation to big capital, and not, as we would imagine, a voluntary sacrifice for the accomplishment of labor for the community.

Therefore liberation from enslavement to interest on money is the clear motto for the global revolution, for the liberation of productive labor from the chains of the supragovernmental money-powers.

Implementation and Rationale We stand in the midst of one of the most grievous crises that our impoverished folk has had to endure in its painful history. Seriously ill is our folk; seriously ill is the entire world. Helplessly the nations stammer; a passionate longing, a cry for redemption passes through the gloomy masses. With laughter and dancing, with cinema and pageantry, the folk seeks to forget its own lamentable destiny — to forget about its disillusioned hopes, about the deep inner pain, about the terrible disappointment over what one would so gladly call “gains of the revolution.” But how did we imagine it all differently? How did all the fine promises run differently? All that we hoped to gain in the dark of night, in the darkness of our military collapse, seemed to be glistening gold, but now, when the gray day illuminates the find, it is all rotten bits of wood. Now we stand here at a loss. For the sake of these rotten bits of wood that shone so finely in the night, we have thrown away everything that hitherto was dear and valuable to us, and have stuffed all our pockets with this lamentable trove. No wonder that the rage of despair grips precisely the poorest of the poor, and that they rage in senseless wrath against their own brothers, and in their deep longing for redemption seek to destroy all that stands in the way. This condition must lead to utter madness, if consciencelessness and stupidity goad the people further.

And whither this madness leads, we see in Bolshevik Russia. Nationalization, as socialization is called in Russia, has proven to be a failure, declares an unperturbed Lenin. The economy is destroyed, the buying-power of money down to nothing, the intelligentsia killed, the laborer without bread. Despair in the entire people; only bloody terror based on Chinese and Latvian mercenaries is able to protect the Red dictators from the vengeance of the betrayed folk. Among us too the development will follow this course, if international speculators, obsessed party-fanatics, representatives of the most grievously burdened bourgeoisie, and members of a race most deeply alien in nature to the German folk, continue to be allowed in the government.

What indeed were those pretty, pretty words that one whispered into our ear? Negotiated peace, League of Nations, parliamentarism, sovereignty of the people, democracy, dictatorship of the proletariat, socialism, destruction of capitalism, liberation from militarism, and other such pretty slogans. A new free people was supposed to arise, which should determine its own destiny.

None of any of that has come true, was able to come true, or ever could come true, if we do not with the highest moral seriousness investigate all these apparitions, all these slogans — if we do not conscientiously test the symptoms of the illness like an intelligent, concerned physician, and painstakingly diagnose the present condition of the sick person, sparing no effort to ascertain whence this serious critical illness arises.

* * * * *

The sickness of our age is called Mammonism.

What is Mammonism? Mammonism is the sinister, invisible, mysterious reign of the great international money-powers. Mammonism is however also a mindset; it is the worship of these money-powers on the part of all those who are infected with the Mammonistic poison. Mammonism is the unlimited hypertrophy of the — in itself healthy — human drive for acquisition.

Mammonism is the lust for money grown into a madness, which knows no higher goal than to pile money on top of money, which seeks with unequaled brutality to coerce all forces of the world into its service, and must lead to the economic enslavement, to the exploitation of the work-potential of all peoples of the world. Mammonism is the mindset that has led to a decline of all moral concepts. Mammonism considered as a worldwide phenomenon is to be equated with brutal, ruthless egoism in man. Mammonism is the spirit of greed, of boundless desire to rule, of the mentality entirely focused on seizing the goods and treasures of the world; it is at its core the religion of the purely worldly- oriented human type.

Mammonism is the direct opposite of socialism. Socialism, conceived as the highest moral idea, as the idea that man is not in the world only for himself alone, that every man has duties toward the community, toward all humanity, and that he is not only responsible for the momentary wellbeing of his family, of the members of his tribe, of his folk, but that he also has unshakable moral obligations toward the future of his children and his folk.

More concretely, we must see Mammonism as the conscious collusion of the power-hungry big capitalists of all peoples. Noteworthy in this has always been the hidden arrival of Mammonism.

The big tycoons lurk indeed as the ultimate driving force behind world- encompassing Anglo-American imperialism; nothing else. The great money-powers indeed financed the terrifying mass-homicides of the World War. The great money-powers have indeed, as owners of all great newspapers, woven the world into a web of lies. They have with satisfaction whipped up all lower passions, have diligently fostered the growth of present tendencies, and have through clever press-propaganda brought French revanchism to a boil. They carefully nurtured the Pan-Slavic idea, the Serbian conceit of being a great power, and the need of these states for money, to the point that the world conflagration must ignite.

Even among us in Germany the spirit of Mammonism that wanted to know only more export-figures, national wealth, expansion, big bank projects, and international finance deals, led to a rout of public morality, to the decline of our ruling circle into materialism and hedonism, to a superficiality in our national life, all factors that share blame for the terrifying collapse.

* * * * *

With astonishment we must ask ourselves whence Mammonism, whence international big capital derives its irresistible power.

It is not to be overlooked that the international collaboration of the great money-powers represents a completely new phenomenon. We have no parallel for this in history. International obligations of a monetary nature were practically unknown. Only with the rising global economy, with general global commerce, did the idea of international interest-economy establish itself, and here we touch the deepest root, here we have hit upon the innermost source of strength from which the Golden International draws its irresistible power.

Interest, the effortless and endless influx of goods based on the mere ownership of money without any addition of labor, has caused the great money-powers to grow. Loan-interest is the diabolical principle from which the Gold International was born. Loan- capital has firmly attached its blood- funnel absolutely everywhere. Like the arms of an anemone big loan capital has ensnared all states, all peoples of the world.

Government loans, government bonds, railroad bonds, war bonds, mortgages, covered-bond obligations — in short loan-instruments of every kind have in a manner ensnared our entire economic life, so that henceforth all the peoples of the world wriggle helplessly in the golden webs. For the sake of the interest-principle, in keeping with a thoroughly mad political delusion that every kind of possession carries an entitlement to earnings, we have submitted to enslavement to interest on money. Not a single real, valid moral reason can be given as to why mere possession of money should bring an entitlement to perpetual interest- payments.

This inner opposition to interest, and to income of every kind without any occurrence of productive labor, extends through the soul-life of all peoples and times. But never has this deep inner resistance to the power of money become so conscious for the nations as in our time.

Never has Mammonism been prepared in such a world-encompassing manner to begin world-domination. Never yet has it placed in its service all baseness, lust for power, lust for revenge, greed, envy, and falsehood in such a cleverly concealed and yet brutally pushy manner as now. The World War is at its inmost core one of the biggest decisions in the evolutionary process of humanity in the struggle to decide whether in the future the Mammonistic-materialistic worldview or the socialistic-aristocratic worldview should determine the fate of the world.

* * * * *

On the surface, the Mammonistic Anglo- American coalition has without a doubt been initially victorious. As a reaction against it, Bolshevism arose in the East, and if one wishes to see a great idea in Bolshevism, it is without a doubt the position diametrically opposed to the Mammonistic worldview. The methods that Bolshevism seeks to employ for this however are the botched cures of a Dr. Eisenbarth. They are the attempt to help someone sick from internal poisoning with a scalpel, by amputating his head, arm, and legs.

Against this rampage of Bolshevism, against this senseless overturning, we must present a workable new idea that with unifying force unites all laboring classes, so as to drive out the poison that has made the world sick.

I see this means in the abolition of enslavement to interest on money.

There are three factors that make interest on loan-capital conspicuous as the authentic and true cause of our financial misery.

First, the monstrous disproportion of fixed-interest loan-capital, thus of capital that grows of its own accord without application of creative labor, and indeed grows on forever. Among us in Germany this loan-capital has already reached a level that we do not consider too high at 250 billion. In contrast to this enormous sum, the industrial working capital of our entire German industry stands at only 11.8 billion. In addition there is the 3.5 billion in capital of the 16,000 industrial limited-liability companies [G.m.b.H], so that altogether we have only about 15 billion in industrial capital to tabulate. 20:1is the first fundamental finding. [* Obviously 17:1 is more accurate, but maybe Feder is allowing for the likelihood that the proportion will increase.] This appraisal means that in financial problems of the largest importance, all measures concerned with loan-capital must prove 20 times as effective as measures directed at industrial big capital.

Second: the interest-payment on the loan-capital above, estimated at 250 billion, considered in its totality for all times, amounts to about 12½ billion annually. By contrast, the sum-total of all industrial dividends distributed in the year 1916 amounted in the year 1915 to about one billion marks. In the preceding decades this number was, on the average, about 600 million. In the last two years of the war [1914-1918] it may very well have gone up considerably, but will record an all-the- greater crash for the current year [1919].

The average profitability of all German stock-corporations [A.G.] was 8.21%; thus only about 3½% higher than the average return on fixed-interest loan- values.

Thus, I recapitulate, in the future the German people will have to pay about 12.5 billion [annually] for the various eternal interest-charges of big loan- capital, while the yield from industrial capital in the greatest boom-year was 1 billion, and in times of undisturbed prosperity only 0.6 billion. Thus we see again here a proportion on the orders of magnitude of 20:1 to 12:1.

The third and most dangerous factor is the enormous growth beyond comprehension of big loan-capital through interest and through interest on interest. I must here digress a bit more and hope through a small excursion into higher mathematics to explain the problem. First some examples.

The charming story of the invention of the game of chess is well known. The rich Indian king Shihram granted to the inventor, as thanks for the invention of the royal game, the fulfillment of a wish. The wish of the wise man was that the king should give him one grain of wheat on the first square of the chess-game, two on the second, four on the third, and thus always on each square twice as many as on the one before. The king smiled at the seemingly modest wish of the wise man and ordered that a sack of wheat be brought so that for every square the grains of wheat could be apportioned. As we all know, the fulfillment of this wish was impossible even for the richest prince in the world. All the world’s harvests in a thousand years would not suffice to fill the 64 squares of the chessboard.

One more example: many will still remember from their schooldays the torture of calculating compound interest; how the penny invested at the time of the birth of Christ multiplies at compound interest so that it doubles every 15 years. In the year 15 after the birth of Christ the penny has grown into 2 pennies, in the year 30AD to 4 pennies, in the year 45AD to 8 pennies and so on. Very few will remember what value this penny would represent today: a volume of gold equivalent to the volume of the Earth, the Sun, and all the planets combined would not be adequate to represent the value of this penny invested at compound interest.

A third example: the fortune of the House of Rothschild, the oldest international plutocracy, is valued today at about 40 billion. It is well known that in Frankfurt around the year 1800, old Mayer Amschel Rothschild, without wealth of his own worth mentioning, laid the foundation for the gigantic fortune of his house through fractional- reserve lending of the millions that Count Wilhelm I of Hesse had entrusted to him for safekeeping.

Had the accretion of money through interest and interest on interest with Rothschild succeeded only at the modest rate of the penny, the curve would not have climbed so steeply as it has. But assuming that the Rothschilds’ collective wealth increased only at the rate of the penny, the Rothschilds’ fortune in the year 1935 would be 80 billion, in 1950 160 billion, in 1965 320 billion, and with that it would already exceed by far the total German national wealth.

From these three examples a mathematical law can be derived. The curve that represents the rise of the Rothschild fortune, the curve that can be derived from the number of wheat-grains for the chessboard, and the number that the multiplication of the penny produces at compound interest, are simple mathematical curves. All of these curves have the same character. After initially modest and gradual increase the curve becomes ever steeper and soon practically approaches being almost tangential to infinity.

Altogether differently, however, does the growth-curve of industrial capital proceed. Likewise sprung mostly from small beginnings, soon a strong escalation of the curves appears, until a certain saturation of capital is reached. Then the curves run flatter, and in certain industries will perhaps even decline slightly, if new inventions have led to the devaluation of existing factories, machines, and so on. I would like to select only one example here, the development of the Krupp works. In 1826 old man Krupp died almost without assets. In 1855 Alfred Krupp received his first order for 36 cannons on behalf of the Egyptian government. In 1873 Krupp already employed 12,000 workers. In 1903 Frau Berta Krupp sold the entire works and property to the Alfred Krupp joint-stock company for 160 million. Today the total value of the stock-capital amounts to 250 million. What does the name Krupp connote for us Germans? The acme of our industrial development. The world’s first maker of [steel] cannons. A vast sum of the most tenacious, purposeful, intensive productivity. For hundreds of thousands of our folk-comrades the Krupp endeavor has meant bread and work. For our nation, weapons and defense – and yet it is a dwarf compared to the Rothschild billions. What significance does the growth of the Krupp fortune during a century have compared to the growth of the Rothschild fortune through effortless and endless accretion from interest and interest on interest?

The two curves drawn in bold lines represent loan-interest and indeed the upper curve shows the development of the Rothschild fortune and the lower curve, at first flat and then rapidly rising, shows in a very general way the characteristic development of all such curves, in which a small advance on the horizontal axis can produce a doubling of the value on the vertical axis. The hatched line shows the development-curve of our total industry in the course of the last 40-50 years. The differently hatched fine lines show the development of several randomly selected big industrial enterprises from which the general character of the hatched curve of industrial capital is derived.

It must be expressly remarked that the curves of loan-capital are shown strongly compressed. Thus for example the curve of the Rothschild fortune must be set 80 times so high as the Krupp curve. The purpose of showing the curves of course is only to demonstrate the fundamentally different character of the two types of capital. The curves of loan-capital show at first a quite gradually rising development; the development then goes faster until, ever wilder and dragging everything with it, it raises itself far beyond human concepts and strives toward infinity.

The curve of industrial capital by contrast remains in the finite! However strong the divergences that a trace may show in detail, overall the fundamental character of industrial development will always be such that after strong initial development a certain period of maturity, of saturation, follows, after which sooner or later the decline ensues.

Nothing shows us more clearly the deep essential difference between loan- capital and industrial capital. Nothing can make the difference clearer for us between the devastating effects of loan- capital and the business-profits (dividends) of business-capital put up and risked in large industrial enterprises, than this comparison.

It cannot be emphasized enough that the recognition of the mathematical laws that loan-capital and industrial capital follow, alone shows us the clear path where the lever is to be applied for setting aright our wrecked finance- economy. We recognize clearly that not the capitalistic economic order, not capital in itself and as such, is the scourge of humanity. The insatiable interest-need of big loan-capital is the curse of all laboring humanity! Capital must be! Labor must be! Labor alone can do little. Capital alone can do nothing! Capital without labor can only be sterile! Therefore the most important demand, the most noble task of the revolution, the most sensible meaning of a world-revolution, is the abolition of enslavement to interest on money.

The House of Rothschild today is valued at 40 billion. The billionaires of American high finance, Misters Cahn, Loeb, Schiff, Speyer, Morgan, Vanderbilt, and Astor, are valued together at 60-70 billion at the least. At an interest-rate of only 5% this means an income for these eight families of 5-6 billion, which, according to the researches of Karl Helfferich, is roughly 75% of the annual income that all taxpayers in Prussia had in the year 1912. (There were at that time around 21,000,000 taxpayers, 75% of that would be about 15,000,000. For every taxpayer there are on the average 1.56 relatives; hence 23 million relatives.) Around 38,000,000 Germans thus have had to live on what the afore-mentioned billionaires have as a yearly income. Certainly the American billionaires are not pure loan-capitalists in the same sense as the House of Rothschild and so on. I do not care at all to argue about whether the American billionaires are really “100-million-dollar millionaires” or “1000-million-mark billionaires”; in the former case one would just have to reckon in one or two dozen additional Croesuses. Or let us simply accept Rathenau’s “300”; then our inventory will certainly be in order. Here it is not important to give an exact number, but the acknowledged ratio of 300 to 38,000,000 opens our eyes about the brutal reign of international loan-capital.

Therefore let us cast off these terrible chains that can only strangle all energetic labor; let us tear away from money the power to bear interest, and ever again to bear interest until all humanity has become entirely obligated for interest to international loan-capital.

Thus it is these three points that make clear to us for the first time where alone the lever may be effectively applied for the alleviation of our internal financial distress.

For another thing, we recognize that the assault of the entire socialist world of ideas against industrial capital has been completely off the mark, because even an intended complete regulation or socialization of all entrepreneurial profit – assuming an unweakened economy – would yield a laughably meager sum, compared to the enormous financial burdens of the budgets of our Reich and our State.

Through the abolition of enslavement to interest on money the entire financial malaise can be eliminated with one blow. At once we feel solid ground under our feet again; at once it must and will become clear to us that we have only deceived ourselves in the most grotesque manner with this wretched bond-economy.

For what else is loan-capital, but debts? Loan-capital is debts! One cannot repeat that often enough. What form of madness is it when the German people in its totality have borrowed 150 billion for its war? When it has even promised itself for this a quantity of 7½ billion in interest and now feels itself shifted into the awkward situation, inevitable from the start, of trying to collect this 7½ billion from itself in the form of entirely fanciful taxes?

* * * * *

The tragic thing about this self-deception meanwhile is less the stupidity of this whole war-bond economy, of which we have always made so much better use than the rest of the world, than the fact that only a relatively small number of big capitalists derives enormous benefit from it, while the entire laboring folk, including the medium-sized and smaller capitalists, as well as business, trade, and industry, must pay the interest. And here the political side of the whole idea comes to light. Here they can recognize that in fact big loan-capital and only this [i.e. not industrial capital] is the curse of all laboring humanity. One may twist and turn the thing as one wishes, but always the mass of all hard-working people must in the end bear the cost of interest- payments on loan-capital. The middle- sized and smaller capitalists have nothing to show for their lovely interest-payments; can have nothing to show, for the sums of interest must be entirely taxed away. Whether in the form of direct taxes or indirectly in the way of indirect taxes, stamps, tariffs, or other burdens on commerce, the hard-working folk is always the sucker and big capital the beneficiary.

It is now quite astonishing to see how the socialist idea-world of Marx and Engels, from the Communist Manifesto to the Erfurt Program (especially Kautsky), and even the current socialist leaders, spare the interests of loan- capital as if on command. The sanctity of interest is taboo; interest is the holy of holies; no one has yet dared to call it into question. While property, nobility, security of person and possessions, the laws of the Crown, privileges and religious conviction, honor of officers, fatherland, and freedom are more or less outlawed, interest is holy and unassailable. Confiscation of wealth and socialization, thus outright violations of the law that are only somewhat sugarcoated, insofar as they are committed ostensibly in the name of the totality of individuals, are the order of the day: all of that is permitted, but interest, interest is the noli me tangere, the “touchmenot.” The interest payment on the Reich’s debt is the alpha and omega of the state budget. Its gigantic weight drags the ship of state into the abyss and yet … it is all a big swindle … a monstrous self- deception, fostered only and solely for the benefit of the great money-powers.

Here I would like to touch briefly now upon the objections relating to small pensioners, to be discussed later, so that one does not get hung up thinking about them. In the consideration of the very big questions these are not considered, but it goes without saying that these compensations will be provided through the broadest expansion of social-welfare services.

Swindle, I said! Interest-swindle! A strong word. But if this word has justification, which during the war was perhaps the most used word in the field and at home, it has the most justification in regard to the interest-swindle.

But what about the war-bonds? With the first 5 billion, the Reich took out of the pockets of the people savings that actually existed. The money flowed back again. Then came the new loan to suck up the money again, and with that the last residual savings. And again came the pump and sucked up the billions, and again they ebbed back again, until merrily, after this charming game was repeated nine times, the Reich had incurred 100 billion in debt.

In exchange the people of course held in their hands 100 billion in finely printed paper – at first we imagined that we had become so much richer – but then comes the state and says, “I am facing bankruptcy.” Yes, but why? – I myself certainly cannot go bankrupt even if I occasionally take a hundred-mark note from the right upper pocket and put it into the left. Certainly it would be the biggest folly of all if we continued the folly of our war- bond economy by declaring bankruptcy. [* Feder here is regarding the German nation as a unified entity rather than a mere aggregation of individuals: the money that has been transferred from some Germans to other Germans remains within the German nation, which means that it is within the power of the German government to adjust the distribution, perhaps to the immediate disadvantage of some individuals but for the good of the nation as a whole.] Let us break the enslavement to interest on money! Let us declare the war-bond certificates to be legal tender with interest canceled, and the nightmare of state bankruptcy will melt away from us like March snow under the Sun.

People say to me, the cancellation of interest-payments is a disguised state bankruptcy. No, that is not true! – The specter of state bankruptcy is really only a fairytale and a bogeyman invented by the Mammonist forces.

The book by Franz Röhr, Was jeder vom Staatsbankerott wissen muß [What Everyone ought to Know about State Bankruptcy], is completely stuck in Mammonistic ways of thinking. Although the author in general quite clearly recognizes the economic problems that threaten us through socialization, and although he advises emphatically and correctly that in the end only a rebuilding of our economy can save us – he cannot free himself from the superstitious belief in the sanctity of interest, and therefore he depicts state bankruptcy entirely in accord with the interest of Mammonism, as a completely terrifying catastrophe.

It is interesting to observe that Röhr, in spite of better historical knowledge, cannot free himself from the Mammonistic view, and notes in his closing word: “If the ruinous economic catastrophe is not averted, no one will be spared by it,” while on page 81 he admits that the consequences of public financial mismanagement have been partially reversed very quickly, and on page 68 he says that in any case there should be no doubt that Russia (in the last century) overcame these currency- crises without lasting problems. On page 76 he says, while examining the effects of state bankruptcies, that although of course profound economic problems etc. have occurred, by and large neither the destruction of the state nor that of its economic strength resulted. On the contrary a rapid revival of the national economy and a recovery of public finances have been observed often enough. When the author then continues for three more lines saying that state- bankruptcy absolutely means economic catastrophe and causes infinite misery; I regret being unable to follow this logic.

But back to our particular case! Which would be more honest? To speak pharisaically of the unassailability of war-bonds while oppressing the people with an egregious tax-burden? Or, if a finance-minister had the courage to approach the people openly and to declare, “I cannot make the interest- payments on the war-bonds, or I can only if I collect exactly the same amount in taxes from you. “. . . . But back then during the war I absolutely needed money; nothing more clever (see England) occurred to me, and so I did the swindle with the high-interest war- bonds. You must forgive me, beloved folk; it was ultimately all for you, but if we wish to play hide-and-seek no more … I, the state, shall pay no more interest, and you, the taxpayer, need not pay taxes to cover these interest payments…. That thoroughly simplifies our transactions; we avoid the enormous tax-bureaucracy and likewise the enormous interest- paying bureaucracy, thus conserving an immense quantity of money and work- potential.” I have lingered long on exposing this swindle, but I consider it absolutely fundamental here at no point to lose sight of the big picture.

* * * * *

According to Bavarian tax-returns, the circle of people that would suffer — let us say, precisely those that according to their tax-returns received over 30,000 marks in interest-payments — are 822 people, which is only 0.4% of those obliged to pay taxes (Bayr. St-Z. 1913) in all Germany, therefore, approximately 10,000. (The upper 10,000!) Let us clarify for ourselves now as briefly as possible the most important aspects of this revolutionary demand, and indeed let us consider the questions first from our national perspective.

For this there is first need of a clear look at our current situation. Secretary of State Eugen Schiffer, in his big speech in the Berlin Chamber of Commerce, has declared it “impossible to ignore.” That is only partially correct. Possible to ignore is the enormous indebtedness of our national economy, and the unprecedented devaluation of our currency — in short, the fact that we have become an impoverished people overnight.

The burdens that are being imposed on us through the peace-treaty, however, cannot be ignored. The currently existing certificates of indebtedness, as we have seen, amount to around 250 billion. Let us assume first that the Entente imposes on us an additional 50 billion in war- reparations in some form: that makes a total of around 300 billion in debt.

However heavily it may strain the narrow confines of this treatise, nonetheless some words must be said about the magnitude of German national wealth. The investigations of Helferrich and Steinmann-Bucher assess the German national wealth at around 350 billion. One can only attribute very limited value to such findings, however carefully they may have been derived. They are valid only for times of undisturbed economic activity. But they are also quite misleading since state and municipal properties are included, thus for example also road-repairs, waterway-modifications, and so on. It is clear that although the production of such works may have cost enormous money, nonetheless they have strictly speaking no intrinsic value. A better yardstick for national wealth is so-called taxable wealth as it emerges from the tax-returns for the defense-contribution or the wartime wealth-tax. For this a sum-total of 192 billion results, thus much less by far than Helfferich’s figure. To this sum nonetheless about 10% may be added, according to experience, for the legally tax-free small fortunes, and about an equal amount for “silent reserves.” [* “Silent reserves” are the result of underestimating positive values and overestimating negative values in accounting, so as to create the appearance of the lowest possible net- worth.] In any case it seems to me overly optimistic to speak of a national wealth of more than 250 billion. But even this number has only a very limited importance. The most correct thing would be to break away entirely from the idea of a national wealth that is at all numerically graspable, and to penetrate to the recognition that national wealth finds its expression exclusively in the mental and physical work-potential of the entire nation, and thus belongs to orders of magnitude that have no relation to the narrower concept of capital.

Indeed we must still see a further source of national wealth in the presence of mineral resources, the riches of the forest, and fertile soil, but these things also cannot be grasped numerically, since their value fluctuates between zero and infinity, depending on whether the mineral resources lie unexploited, or, based on a geological report, can be reckoned for billions of tons of coal and so on.

Let us not forget that Germany really is a poor country. Of monopolies it possesses almost none. In wealth of mineral resources it stands far behind most of its neighbors, to say nothing of the unparalleled mineral resources of the Chinese, Indian, and American empires. In fertility of the soil it falls far short compared to the blessed fields of Russia’s black soil, and compared to the effortlessly productive stretches of tropical and subtropical land. Therefore in the end we have always only the potential and will of our people to work, as well as the availability of sufficient work, and we must understand clearly that in this state of affairs there can be no talk of secured debts, of collateral for our debt-instruments…

Whether interest-bearing war-bonds or non-interest-bearing Reich banknotes, behind them stands only and solely the tax-potential of the entire people – and what is tax-potential other than a function of the work-power of the total working population? * * * * * We must now clarify for ourselves yet another relevant complex of questions, and of course the chief entries of our state revenue-sources and expenditures. There is a remarkable contrast between the broad space that the concern for making money occupies in our private lives, and the attention that we give to the great questions of our state financial management, and yet between individual economy and national economy no essential difference exists whatsoever.

The chief entries for state revenue are: first, the net profits of the post-offices and railroads; second, those of the mines, forestry-administrations, and other state enterprises; third, tolls and indirect taxes; fourth, direct taxes.

So as not to foster purely theoretical discussions in such eminently practical questions, I want to elucidate the individual entries from the Bavarian state budget[1] of the year 1911 according to their order of magnitude.

Post, telegraph, and railroads[2] brought 120 million; forests, mines, etc., around 40 million; indirect taxes, 53 million; direct taxes, 60 million. An additional 67 million flowed from stamp-duties, fees, inheritance-taxes, land-taxes, revenue-transfers from the Reich, and so on.

What about expenditures? We find here in the first place the payments for interest on the state debt including the railroad-debts with 85 million. For the royal house, 5 million; administration of justice, 27 million; internal administration, 40 million; churches and schools, 51 million; financial administration, 13 million; expenditures for Reich-related purposes, 50 million; pensions, 36 million. Miscellaneous expenditures 5 million. Back then in this fortunate year of Bavarian finances the annual budget left a revenue-surplus of 27 million.

In the scope of our thought however only those expenditures concern us that can be omitted through the abolition of interest-slavery. Here the interest- payment on the state debt naturally stands in first place at 85 million marks; add to that the greatest part of our payment for financial administration at about 10 million; furthermore a large part of the payments for Reich-related purposes, of which let us add half, 25 million, and finally the 5 million in payments for the royal house are now gone: a total of 125 million.

The disappearance of these entries means the possibility of renouncing imposition of all direct and indirect taxes, which, as we saw, brought in 53 million and 60 million marks, a total of 113 million marks! We are now not at all of the opinion that one should entirely abolish direct and indirect taxes; unquestionably within reasonable limits they serve on the one hand to educate, on the other hand to regulate. It is certainly not more than right and fair that the profits from property owned free and clear remain subject to a moderate, graduated tax, since the state of course must also maintain secure ownership with its policing agencies. It seems just as advisable that trade and industry be required to make tax-contributions corresponding to their working profits, since the state also has to care for the maintenance and development of public paths of commerce for them. A corresponding minimum poll-tax for every citizen entitled to vote is likewise a requirement of fairness, since care for the security of the person and his property is also required from the state.

In the area of indirect taxes a strong expansion of all pure luxury-taxes has a regulatory effect in the best sense, while all simple foodstuffs and necessities of the people should be kept free of taxes! The result of such a tax-policy would be found less in high revenues – about which there can be no talk, since for the great mass of the population taxation should be not a real burden but only a reminder that the person is not only an individual essence but also a citizen of the state, and that in addition to civil rights he also has civil duties.

Tax-revenues should be less necessary for paying off the debts of state-owned businesses, whose net-profits, as we have seen, suffice to cover the normal expenditures of the state for schools, universities, administration of justice, internal administration, etc. Tax- revenues should be used to advance special cultural tasks of the state for which adequate resources were never available in the scope of the normal state budget. Here I am thinking primarily about orphanages, institutes for the blind and the crippled, daycare centers, care for expectant mothers, the battles against tuberculosis, alcohol, and venereal diseases, and the construction of garden- cities and settlements, especially for the accommodation and humane care of our war-disabled.

* * * * *

Our view broadens. We see virgin land. Could the abolition of interest-slavery mean the cancellation of all taxes? It would mean that, if we had come out of this gigantic struggle as a victorious people. As things are, let us not celebrate too early; the burdens imposed on us by our enemies will make sure that we do not. But in any case we see virgin land based on the indeed quite simple example of our Bavarian state budget that we just used…

In general we find quite similar relationships in the other German federal states, and it is not too much to say that from the surpluses of the state-owned businesses, the railroads, post-offices, telegraphs, forests, mines, and so on, all state expenditures for the entire administration of justice, for all internal administration, including state construction-projects, all outlays for schools and universities, just as for cultural purposes, could be covered without difficulty. Thus a perfectly ideal condition.

Why is that not the case? Interest has crept in. Because of the payment of interest the population’s foodstuffs become expensive; because of interest sugar and salt, beer and wine, matchsticks and tobacco and countless other necessities of daily need carry indirect taxes. Because of interest, direct taxes must be raised, which are divided into land-taxes that are passed on in the form of higher prices for grain, house- taxes that drive up rent, business-taxes that burden productive labor, income- taxes that unavoidably depress the living-standards of civil servants and people on fixed salaries, and finally at the very end, modest in giving but insatiable in taking, loan-capital pays taxes on capital dividends. According to the tax-returns of the year 1911, out of 253 million in capital dividends received in Bavaria, all of 8.1 million was paid in state taxes.

We have seen that all capital dividends, all interest on capital, ultimately must be raised through the labor of the entire people. We have seen that the interest- payment on public debts constitutes the largest entry in our state budget, and we have seen that those obliged to pay taxes on interest-payments make only an extremely limited contribution to state revenues.

In terms of relative magnitude, the capitalist paid 8 million out of a total of 60 million in direct taxes, which is only an eighth to a sixth of the direct state taxes paid in Bavaria in 1911. Direct taxes however are only about a fifth of the total state revenue. Therefore loan- capital contributes only about a thirtieth to a forty-eighth share of the state’s total needs.

It should not be denied that tax- legislation during the war, especially in the last years, resorted to a stronger tax on capital dividends, but stronger indirect taxation has more or less kept pace with it, so that the relative size has hardly changed.

The picture becomes dire when we consider the budget of the Reich. Here the proportions in themselves are already much less favorable. The Reich does not have the same tax-sources as the individual federal states. Direct taxes are reserved to the federal states; the enterprises of the Reich are limited to the Reich’s post-office and railroad (note that this does not include the Prussian state railroads), and consequently only tolls and indirect taxes remain.

The orders of magnitude of the Reich’s revenue-sources (see Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich for the years 1917 and 1918) were, in the year 1915, 1 billion in indirect taxes, 0.8 billion in special revenues (war- contribution, matricular fees), and so on. Here too the same picture again. More than a third, 1.3 billion to be specific, was devoured already in the year 1915 by payment of interest on the Reich’s debt. Here too loan-capital pushed its way in again. Here too it requires all direct taxes to satisfy it. Sugar pays 163 million, salt 61 million, beer 128 million, tobacco, schnapps, sparkling wine, lamp-fuel, matches, playing cards, and countless other items had to be taxed in order to scrape together a billion marks that then flows completely into the pockets of the capitalists.

Today, how to pay the interest on the Reich’s debt is a riddle. Interest- payments alone devour 8 billion [annually], based on 100 billion in war- bonds plus other war-credits. Revenues from the post-office and railroad can hardly be further increased. A further increase in tolls will hardly be tolerated; therefore probably only a five- or ten- fold increase in indirect taxes is left — an impossibility! — or the clear insight that only and solely the abolition of enslavement to interest on money can bring us salvation. An enormous self- deception is what the entire war-bond economy was. The German nation borrowed a hundred billion from itself for its war. For that it promised 5 billion in interest to itself; it must therefore pay 5 billion in taxes. All benefit goes to the big capitalist, who draws so much in capital dividends that he cannot possibly use it up, and yet only a quite modest percentage is taken away through the tax on capital dividends, as we have seen.

* * * * *

I hope now through the main thrusts of my presentation already to have dispelled the humanly comprehensible terror that many readers may have of eventually losing the interest-income from their pretty certificates. Let it just be demonstrated very briefly with one example that the whole interest-economy is a big self-deception, and along with that I want to look at an upper level of solid middle-class income.

Assume that the head of a household has an income from labor of 10,000 marks, and on top of that another 5000 marks from capital dividends. In the first place about 1500 marks of this will be paid in direct taxes; then at least 1000-1200 marks in the form of high rents will be stripped away for eternal interest. Another 1000 marks are likely to be drained off in the form of indirect taxes for a family of five or six, and already now one realizes that not much is left of the lovely capital dividends that the small and middle-sized capitalists enjoyed under the happy tax-rates of earlier years. Indeed, already today there can be no more talk of “surplus”; on the contrary, if one examines for oneself today the current fantastic tax- proposals, considerably more income from labor will probably be taxed away.

Naturally the situation seems to be quite different for the big capitalist, who, let us say for example, collects only 1 million in capital dividends. (Such people are fairly numerous in Germany today.) Of the tax on capital dividends this fortunate man pays at the most 50-60 thousand marks. Of indirect taxes he also pays no more than the family-father of the previous example. On his budget after all he can still live quite comfortably indeed with 40-50 thousand marks, even in the current expensive era. If roughly a nice 900,000 marks cash remain to him, for that with 5% interest on loans he will get another 45,000 marks in the next year and that, by law, at the expense of the working population.

The small pensioner who only lives on his interest undoubtedly would be harmed. If he is able to work, then he must of course resolve to earn an income from labor. With that he then situates himself very much better than the millions of his folk-comrades who have nothing other than their physical or mental work-potential. If he does not want that, then he must eat into his wealth. Ultimately he has 20 years to nibble at it again and again, if he continues to consume the annual sum that he has been receiving at 5% interest. For persons that are not in a position to work, or are weakened by illness or age, obviously an appropriate livelihood must be arranged through the development of social welfare for all segments of the population.

I visualize social welfare as follows: Let us assume that an older lady, a widow, who hitherto had to live on the interest from a capital investment of 60,000 marks, is, through the legally proclaimed abolition of interest-slavery, deprived of her source of income. Here, through the broadest expansion of the pension-system, opportunity would be given the afore-mentioned person to draw a pension corresponding to her capital, wherewith the annual pension could even be increased relative to the previous interest-yield, so as also to give a certain compensation for the diminished value of money even to this circle of people. Thus, for example, in exchange for the surrendered 60,000 marks in debt-instruments of the Reich, of the states, or in covered bonds, an annual lifelong pension of 4000 marks could be given. If the widow has children and she wants to will a portion of the wealth to them, then it can be allowed to her that only 40,000 marks be transformed into a pension, while the remaining 20,000 would be kept for the children. Out of the 40,000 marks, depending on the age of the pension- applicant, up to 1/12 of the received capital could be given annually.

Furthermore, let it also be noted here that, with the discontinuation of oppressive taxes as a result of the abolition of interest-slavery, the widow’s cost of living will be quite considerably decreased.

It would greatly exceed the scope of this essay to examine in detail the personal interests of each stratum of the population. Such a revolutionary demand cannot be about personal interests; nevertheless as the idea takes effect one will find that the healthful consequences personally benefit every individual in the end.

Precisely by the problem already isolated above, of how to achieve release from interest on war-bonds, I have tried to make it clear already that small capitalists — by which I mean all the hundreds of thousands that have been induced through a hyper-American advertising-campaign to devote their savings for subscription to war-bonds — not only receive no benefit from interest, since of course they must pay for it themselves with taxes, but, with tax- legislation tailored for the protection of big capital, must support interest- payments for million-mark subscriptions.

It seems to me that, apart from these immediate considerations, an appeal to all for the sake of their children’s wellbeing must in itself persuade the anxious bondholder to accept as completely natural the renunciation of eternal interest from the Reich’s debts. In this case, what does the patriot, who has given 10,000 marks to his fatherland in direst need, really lose, other than a usurious claim to draw 50,000 marks in interest within a hundred years, without even diminishing the principal? Eternally his children and grandchildren must work, just to pay all the interest.

* * * * *

The question of repayment of the lent sums can be solved in various ways. In my briefly stated main ideas about the problem at hand, which I submitted to the government of the People’s State of Bavaria [under Kurt Eisner] on 20 November of last year [1918], I proposed simply to have repayment take the place of interest-payment at the rate of 5% annually for 20 years. I believe that in what follows I can even make a much better suggestion, which because of its simplicity certainly deserves preference: “The war-bond certificates upon cancellation of interest will be declared to be currency.” That is the Egg of Columbus. The advantage of this measure is in the first place that nobody really feels anything from it. The war- bond certificates continue to lie at rest in the depots; but no young people get them, any more than a book, or a cabinet, or some otherwise useful object that somebody would lend to his friend.

If one needs money, then one simply whips out a war-bond note and pays with that. War-bond notes have, after all, just as much beauty and paper-value as our other 10, 20, 100, and 1000-mark notes. There can certainly be no talk of the market’s being flooded with currency in such a bump-free transition from the interest-economy into the interest-free national economy. All the war-bond certificates are indeed already well protected and stored in bank-vaults, or other places of concealment considered secure by the people, such as a woolen stocking or a manure-heap. Indeed it cannot be denied that our issued paper currency, as much as about 40 billion, is also not in circulation but for the most part is hoarded in the manner described above. Our need for currency in the times of economic boom before the war was also only about 4-6 billion, and it is inconceivable that we would need more than twice that much today in the ever more customary cashless economy.

[In a later section Feder states that he has decided that simply letting war-bond certificates be used as currency is not the best idea. He proposes that they should be converted into bank-credit instead.]

* * * * *

The cancellation of interest is to be done in precisely the same manner for all fixed-interest assets. For these assets, just as for dividend-yielding assets, the originally proposed “repayment” in 20 or 25-year annual pensions is recommended, especially for mortgages.

The abolition of interest-slavery for mortgages means without a doubt the solution of the housing problem, the liberation from exorbitant rents. It is not at all evident why the holder of a mortgage should have the eternal benefit of interest from a sum lent once, why an effortless and endless influx of goods should be granted to him, why the great mass of a people, only for this unhealthy principle of interest, should pay high rents year in, year out. Let it be interjected very briefly that self- evidently there can be no talk of a complete cancellation of rent, since of course the management and upkeep of houses demands constant labor and money. A lowering of rents thus can only occur so far as it results of its own accord through the accomplished repayment of mortgages.

Only one thing should be sharply emphasized, that the abolition of enslavement to interest has not the slightest thing to do with our total value- producing labor, insofar as no hindrance is posed in any way to the entrepreneurial spirit, to productive labor, to the manufacture of goods, to the acquisition of wealth. On the contrary, as we have seen, the entire working folk is liberated from a stifling, unreasonable, heavy burden; our soul- life is purged of an intoxicating poison.

* * * * *

We can tell how correctly the fruitfulness of the interest-problem has been recognized in the course of history, by the fact that minds in all ages and all peoples have been occupied with it…

In various passages of the Old Testament, such as Leviticus 25 and Deuteronomy 15, we find regulations about the cessation of interest in the form that the seventh year should always be an acceptilation or jubilee, in which all debts of folk-comrades should be abated.

Solon in the year 594B.C. abolished personal debt-slavery through legislation. This law was called the great Seisachtheia (shaking off of burdens).

In ancient Rome the Lex Gemicia of the year 332 B.C. abruptly forbade Roman citizens entirely from charging any interest.

Under Justinian a prohibition on compound interest was enacted, with the regulation that no more interest whatsoever should be demanded when overdue interest has accumulated to the level of the sum originally lent.

Pope Leo I (the Great) decreed in the year 443 a general prohibition on taking interest; until then only clerics had been prohibited from demanding interest on a loan. The ban on interest was now part of Canon Law and also a binding regulation for the laity. Secular legislation also gradually fell in line with canonic views, and even threatened punishment for charging interest. We find this in the police ordinances of the Holy Roman Empire for the years 1500, 1530, and 1577.

Of course such laws were now much opposed and frequently circumvented, and in this quite short historical retrospective it may only be mentioned as an astonishing historical fact that although under the canon law of the 11th to 17th centuries the charging of interest was forbidden to Christians, it was permitted to Jews.

It would be extraordinarily charming to investigate in each instance what economic tumors led to these powerful shedding of burdens. It would be especially valuable to see which powers and forces have violated the prohibitions on interest again and again.

In the Middle Ages certainly short work was often made of usurers; the farmers or citizens having been bled dry got together and beat the profiteers to death. Today we have entered into a completely different phase of the interest-problem. Such pogroms are most deeply disapproved.

Also it is no longer a matter of individual locally confined symptoms of illness that could be combated by excising the pus-pocket; what is happening is a serious sickening of all humanity.

* * * * *

It should be most emphatically stressed that precisely our contemporary culture, precisely the internationality of economic relations, make the interest- principle so murderous. The foregoing historical retrospective should also not be regarded as providing an analogy for the circumstances of today. When the Babylonians overcame the Assyrians, the Romans the Carthaginians, the Germans the Romans, then there was no continuation of enslavement to interest; there were no international world- powers. The wars were also not financed through borrowing but with treasures accumulated during peace.

David Hume gives a very nice overview of this in his Essay on Public Credit. Only the modern age with its continuity of ownership and its international law allows loan-capital to escalate into infinity. The penny that was invested at interest at the time of the birth of Christ exists no more, because since then all rights of ownership have had to give way to violence several times; by contrast the penny that old Rothschild invested at interest still exists, and will exist, if there is international law, for all eternity.

In addition it ought to be considered that broad stretches of the Earth have only in the modern age gone over from natural economy to money-economy. It is quite especially important in this connection that only in the middle of the 19th century were all restrictions on charging interest, and likewise all prohibitions on interest, abolished: thus England in the year 1854, Denmark 1856, Belgium 1865, Austria 1868.

Thus today’s concept of interest as inseparable from the possession of money is not much older than half a century. But precisely this interest- concept has for the first time caused money to turn into the demonic power of such universal coercion that we have come to know.

The incipient and then ever-increasing indebtedness of states to capitalists likewise dates only to the middle of the 19th century. Only since that time do we see the state degraded from being the trustee of the folk-community into being the trustee of capitalistic interests. This development has reached its highpoint in war-bonds, which we encounter in all lands, which exclusively, as we have recognized, serve only Mammonistic interests, which should be crowned with the gigantic credit-edifice of a world- loan.

* * * * *

These brief retrospectives should make it easier for us finally to break away from the supposition that unto loan- capital must be lent the supramundane power to grow eternally and interminably from itself. Gifted with a terrifying potential for sucking dry. We must break away from the notion that loan-capital, unaffected by worldly deeds and misdeeds, should be able to sit enthroned above the clouds, unaffected by transitoriness, unaffected by the forces of destruction, unaffected by the shots of our giant guns. For, should even houses and huts, railroads and bridges shattered by shells sink into dust and ash, the mortgages will still exist; the railroad bonds and public certificates of indebtedness are not thereby erased. Should villages and cities, entire provinces fall victim to the insane destruction of war, what is the result? New certificates of indebtedness are what it means. With eyes flashing greed the Gold International enthroned above the clouds watches the mad rush of humanity. And not long distant is the time when all humanity finally shall serve only as interest-slaves to Mammonism.

The idea is international; it must liberate the entire world. Hail to the nation that first dares the bold step. Soon others will follow.

The question often directed to me, whether the idea is nationally realizable at all, I answer with yes. We are internally indebted.

Against foreign interest-claims we are naturally powerless for now; these must simply be paid. Excessive capital- outflow must be blocked to the extent possible, but, as little as the lawgiver refrains from working out laws against murder, manslaughter, fraud, etc., because there would still always be scoundrels, just as little should a people in its totality restrain itself from taking a step recognized as necessary for the healing of its public finances, just because of the fact that not exactly the best elements of the folk are trying to carry their loot into safety outside the country. If we assume that hundreds of millions, even billions in war-bond certificates would be spent abroad; even this could still not be a significant impetus for failing to abolish interest- slavery; for proportionally, of the more than 250 billion marks in fixed-interest domestic investment-assets, by far the majority must still be in the country.

Let us again summarize briefly. – The abolition of enslavement to interest is the radical means for the final and permanent healing of our public finances. – The abolition of the interest- community means the possibility of renouncing oppressive direct and indirect taxes, because the state-owned businesses, especially after the socialization of further suitable sectors (inland navigation, electricity, air- traffic, etc.), will give sufficient surpluses to the public coffers to support all social and cultural tasks of the state.

Aside from this financial consideration, the abolition of the interest-community will grant to productive labor in all fields of endeavor the priority that it deserves. Money is returned once again to the role appropriate to it, to be a servant in the powerful drive of our national economy. It will become again what it is, a voucher for completed labor, and therewith the path is cleared for a higher goal, for abstention from the raging money-lust of our age.

The idea points toward the establishment of a united front of the entire working population: from the unpropertied laborer who, as we have seen, is very heavily burdened with indirect taxes for the satisfaction of loan-capital, through the entire bourgeois class of civil servants and employees, of the farming and small-trades middle class, which get to feel the pitiless tyranny of money in the form of wretched housing, farmland- rental, bank-interest, and so on, all the way up to the leading heads, inventors, and directors of our big industry, who are one and all more or less stuck together in the claws of big loan-capital, for whom the first task of life is always to work for the sake of pensions, dividends, and interest for the money- powers playing behind the scenes. No less do all circles of the intelligentsia – artists, writers, actors, scholars, as well as other independent professionals – also belong to this group.

Although big loan-capital, as a group of natural persons or as the personification of the interest-principle, seeks consciously or instinctively to conceal the fact of its boundless lust for control, and although our entire legal tradition based upon Roman law, thus upon law serving for the protection of a plutocracy, has ever so strongly emphasized the protection of property and therewith permeated our people’s sense of justice, the abolition of enslavement to interest on money must come, as the only way out of the threatening economic enslavement of the entire world by the Gold International, as one of the ways to drive out the poison of Mammonism with its corruption and contamination of the mentality of our age.

The Conversion of War-Bonds into Bank-Credit The demand in § 1, for the conversion of war-bond certificates etc. into legal tender, has on numerous occasions been met with the objection that it would mean excessively flooding the market with currency. This objection is in itself quite erroneous. Inflation occurs through the mere existence of war-bond.

It is however true that, in spite of its wrongheadedness, the concern about the physical presence of these papers declared to be currency is not going away, and therefore despite being unrealistic this concern might generate unfortunate side-effects, as if in fact a new inflation had taken place. Therefore, amending § 1, we demand, after legislative cancellation of the obligation to pay interest, conversion of war-bond certificates, along with other public debenture-bonds, [not into currency but] into bank-credit.

This formulation has the great advantage that the physical existence of war-bonds as paper would cease; the war-bond certificates would be delivered to the Reichsbank by banks, bankers, thrift- institutions, etc., and would be destroyed after a credit-note for the face-value is issued. Therewith nearly every person in Germany would receive a bank-credit, an open bank-account that he could use.

Such a procedure would also have the great advantage that the retention of larger investments in private possession would not be possible, since after the expiration of a specified deadline the undelivered certificates would be declared void.

Furthermore it would at least be possible to control how much war-bond is spent outside the country [thus affecting Germany’s trade-balance]. The last point however must not in any way block fulfillment of the abolition of enslavement to interest. Since we really feel too weak compared to foreign countries, we must satisfy (only) the interest-demands that confront us from abroad. Personally I am entirely of the opinion that we should also uphold the cancellation of interest even for foreign bondholders. We need not fear that foreign interest-claims would be enforced by force of arms, since there has been so much progress in returning [from war-madness] to something resembling self-awareness, and never yet in history has a warlike action been undertaken against a great state because of financial measures affecting private persons. It also ought not to be imagined that even the French people would issue an ultimatum to Germany because of the interest-claims of Messrs. Mayer, Schulze, and Cohn from Germany, based on their German war-bonds carried across the border.

Beyond this it would be possible, so as to avoid even the appearance to the rest of the world of a state bankruptcy, to conduct a lottery of the war-bond, which then of course could easily be rigged based on statistics obtained through the required delivery of certificates, so that at first just the numbers presumably belonging to people abroad would be drawn and paid off in Reich banknotes.

Yet a third thing would be the welcome ascertainment of the distribution of war- bonds, and the accompanying opportunity that still exists for an extraordinarily simple collection of the wealth-tax, while the bursaries of course would need only to instruct the Reichsbank offices to charge the account of Mr. N.N. with so and so many marks in tax. In this manner tax-payments would be more painless by far — although of course the taxpayers’ right of appeal would continue to exist in its full extent.

With such a transformation (conversion) of war-bonds into bank-credits a certain social leveling could also be accomplished, insofar as smaller investments in war-bonds, thus all small subscriptions of all of those for whom the subscription of war-bonds really is to be accounted a patriotic deed; let us say up to 5 or 10 thousand marks, would be made good at par, while all larger subscriptions could be credited at a rate to be established. The credits for all other government paper would be handled precisely the same.

Special Comments on the Demand for Law in the Manifesto On § 1 It is completely indispensable that all state and municipal debt-subscriptions be treated in the same way, since only such a unitary large-scale regulation of our entire monetary system, hand in hand with the abolition of interest-slavery, can be implemented.

On § 2 It is already clear that the abolition of interest-slavery must be applied simultaneously to all the other fixed-interest papers, so as not to cause an absurd boom in these papers, which obviously would occur if the public papers alone were declared interest-free. The reduction of the debt as such would be accomplished through annual repayment, whereby a constant and consistent un-debting of all debt- laden objects would be accomplished.

On § 3 This paragraph is very closely related to the preceding ones, as well as with the demand for nationalization of mortgage- lending in § 5. The farmer or homeowner burdened with mortgages continues, after as before, to pay the amount that he had to pay to his creditors, but no longer as eternal interest, rather as repayment. Thus after 20, 25, or 30 years, depending on the preexisting interest- rate, ownership of land and home will be freed from debt. (The mortgage-bank for its part can naturally likewise only during this time continue correspondingly to pay interest on covered bonds to covered-bond- holders.) Hand in hand with this liberation from debt arises the community’s right of ownership in the real-estate freed from mortgages.

A universal registry of dwellings, or rather a real-estate cadaster, would have to come first; because debt-free real- estate ownership naturally also has the right to repayment of invested capital, and also a permanent claim on a portion of the rent, to pay all the charges, expenses, and so on that come with real- estate-ownership, as well as appropriate compensation for work that the owner himself does. [* The connection between the registry of dwellings and the rights of debt-free owners is puzzling, unless the idea is to manage the growth of rental property so as to keep it reasonably profitable.] Let us consider this in broad outlines with the example of an urban apartment- house. The house has a value of 100,000 marks. Against that is recorded a mortgage-bank’s investment of 50,000 marks at 4% in position 1, a noncorporate investment of 20,000 marks at 5% in position 2, and 30,000 marks is the amount put up by the house- owner himself. The revenues from rent are 7000 marks. From this must be paid 2000 marks for the first mortgage, 1000 marks for the second mortgage, and 1000 marks for expenses, outlays, and so on: in all 4000 marks. Thus 3000 marks remain to the house-proprietor as an interest-payment [so to speak] for his own invested capital of 30,000 marks.

Following implementation of the legal abolition of interest on money the situation after ten years is as follows: 1s t mortgage 30,000 marks, 2nd mortgage 10,000 marks. The house-owner has completely recovered his capital- investment, but on the other hand there is a new, public right of ownership in the amount of 50,000 marks. With that the right of the state to have a say about further income from rent and to determine the amount of rent begins. [* Feder does not state how he derives the figure of 50,000 marks: it is half the value of the apartment-house, but also equal to the amount of the corporate mortgage. Probably the most important fact is that it is not more than the amount owed in mortgages, and therefore causes no pain to the house-owner. Presumably, given the emphasis that Feder puts on painless transition, if the amount owed on the house were less than half the value, the state according Feder’s plan would still not claim a share of ownership greater than what is owed on mortgages.] It would be unjust now, in regard to repayment, to put the house-proprietor on the same level as mortgages. For his capital is not pure loan-capital in the narrower sense that should be affected by the abolition of interest-slavery; here we are talking about “risk” capital, specifically about money converted into a valuable good, specifically a house. It is therefore up to the owner of the house whether to grant a longer duration of payments, or a corresponding percentage permanently included in the operating expenses of the house.

It cannot be the purpose here to make any binding proposals; here only suggestions are being made as to how a frictionless transition of the interest- economy into the interest-free economy could occur even in the area of real- estate.

So as to complete the example, let the status after 25 years be presumed as follows: by that time all mortgages are paid off; only the permanent expenses are the same or, because of the greater age of the house, increased from 1000 marks to perhaps 1500 marks. Let the return afforded to the house-proprietor from this sum also be about 1000 to 1500 marks; thus accordingly it appears that around 3000 marks of the rent- revenues go to cover non-negotiable charges, while the remaining 4000 of the original 7000 in rent-revenues would be freely disposable. The state thus has the possibility of lowering the rents by more than half; it will do this e.g. in workers’ dwellings, or the state may cut rents by only 20, 30, or 40%, and thus gain from the difference an enormous source of revenue for other public necessities, above all naturally for publicly conducted home-construction. For mansions the rents are not lowered, or not lowered much, whence very great additional means become available also for the better construction of homes, or for special social purposes. This future state of affairs however reveals – and I hold this for a very fruitful prospect – the inner justification for the community (state) even now to take part in determining the amount of rent in the manner that I sketched above, with a lowering of rent for workers’ dwellings.

In the growing right of the state to participate in real-estate-ownership also lies the foundation for a sound bank of issue, and issue of credit to mortgage- creditors.

On § 4 and 5 These paragraphs demand the socialization of the entire monetary system. Money is only and exclusively a voucher for completed labor issued by a community that has its own state. To issue money-tokens is one of the sovereign fundamental rights of the state. The counterfeiting of the state’s money- tokens is subject to the most severe punishments; thus it is a quite forceful social demand that the monetary system be placed under the control of the collectivity. The work-power of the collectivity is the sole substrate of money-tokens, and only the failure to appreciate this fundamental fact has led in general to the deterioration of our public finances and to complete anarchy of the monetary system in general.

With the surrender of personal and commercial credit by private bankers, proposed in § 5, a deeper incision is made into the total credit-system. For the state credit-system, as well as for municipal and even real-estate credit, one must cleave to the abolition of interest-slavery with utmost rigor and energy, because it is the indispensable prerequisite for the social state in general.

The situation is different with personal credit. We also demand, in and for itself, the interestlessness of personal credit; yet this demand does not carry the same enormous and principal importance. We remember the 250 billion in fixed- interest loan-capital compared to the only 12 billion in dividend-paying stocks.

All such credits, stocks, participation- certificates, mining shares, equity- holdings, and so on, are risk capital. The yield of this capital depends on the industry and efficiency of those persons to whom the money was entrusted. Here the element of risk and danger of loss thus comes into play, along with the question of personal trust. For that, a certain compensation of a special kind still appears indispensable. The owner of stocks and so on is in no way compensated or benefited if the enterprise to which he entrusted his money earns nothing. He loses his money entirely if the enterprise collapses.

It is otherwise with, for example, the owner of debenture-bonds of the Reicheisenbahn. The Reich’s railroads [in Elsaß-Lothringen] are completely lost with the loss of Elsaß-Lothringen. Nonetheless the holder of railroad- bonds continues to receive his interest- payments. From whom? From the taxes of the collectivity. The railroads may work with a deficit balance of any magnitude as in Prussia and Bavaria in the last year; yet the bondholders receive their interest-payments just the same. From whom? From tribute paid out of the work-potential and consumption of the working population.

One would just like to make this fundamental distinction perfectly clear, in order finally to recognize where it is that the vampire sucks from the work- potential of the people.

Thus personal credit should remain, or rather be allocated again, to personal dealing through the private bank. The personal efficiency of the credit-seeker, with which the banker is personally familiar, should again become the determining factor for personal credit. The fees set by the state will regulate themselves by themselves, in accord with the fluidity of money that will in any case commence with the abolition of interest-slavery.

On § 6 The main point of § 5 is also valid for dividend-assets in particular. In the interest of the social state-community it must be demanded that a repayment of the capital once lent be attempted also for the great industrial enterprises – in order to bring about here too a reduction of the indebtedness of the individual industrial works toward those that are only investors.

For in fact what we were able to observe in the relationship of loan- capital toward all peoples repeats itself here on a smaller scale. Here too the capitalist exploits the worker, the foreman, the engineer, the entrepreneur, all equally, because the compulsion to have to earn dividends takes priority. [* This is a problem of joint-stock companies. Companies owned free and clear by families, as is common in Germany, do not have this characteristic.] If however we attain the liberation of industries and businesses from the eternal interest-sucker, then the way is clear for the lowering of prices of products, and for the delivery and distribution of surplus value, partly to the community, partly to the laborers, middle management, and boards of directors of the particular enterprises, thus to those that really alone create manufacturing and values.

On § 7 In this paragraph naturally the entire field of insurance also comes into play, which can be constructed on an analogous interest-free basis. The premiums paid cannot grow through addition of interest; rather the insurance- companies will become thrift- institutions; in other words the risk and advantage of insurance are retained. For this the political community has to be responsible.

On § 8 With regard to the devaluation of our money, which has resulted only through the enormous mass of our innumerable certificates of indebtedness, we demand a strongly graduated wealth-tax. We lay the emphasis in this on “strongly graduated.” A [flat] wealth-tax [for the purpose of] reduction of the number of notes and so forth would be nothing but a self- deception whereby one throws sand into the eyes of the people. For if I also confiscate half of all of the wealth everywhere and receive payment in bonds and pulp these, all that is really accomplished thereby is a diminution of the amount of paper, while in return a conversion-factor will increase the fictive value of the totality of circulating paper to the same level as before. Real value belongs always only to goods for consumption and goods for use, never to the paper vouchers for completed labor.

Another question is whether the foreign exchange-rate of our mark-currency can be improved. But even this improvement of the exchange-rate is again in the final analysis only dependent on work- potential and production, in other words the possibility for production of our total national economy.

The Objections and their Refutation Never yet has an idea been able to establish itself without opposition, least of all an idea that makes such a radical departure from the long-established assumptions about the sanctity and inviolability of interest. With the objections already raised and those expected there is always a two-fold observation to be made: it must be asked, first, what part of the objections being made is based on deliberate distortion of the idea of abolition of interest-slavery, and second, what ought to be said in response to all sincere and fact-based misgivings? The most frequent objection is the assertion: without the charging of interest nobody will lend money.

We do not in fact want anyone to lend his money anymore. Credit was the trick, was the trap, into which our economy entered, and in which it is now helplessly ensnared.

If the folk really urgently needs greater capital, then it gets the needed moneys interest-free at the central state treasury, with only repayment required. Eventually it will issue new banknotes. Why should it issue interest-bearing certificates?! Whether the paper bears interest or not makes no difference! Its only and sole backing is the work- potential and tax-potential of the folk. Why burden every public expenditure from the beginning with the leaden weight of eternal interest? Yes, but how should the state fulfill its cultural labors for the community? It still needs money and can be fair in this task only by way of loans that charge interest.

This assertion is based on an entirely Mammonistic way of thinking. It would have to be deliberately calculated for misdirection after thorough reading of this Manifesto; for in the first place we have proven that after the abolition of interest-slavery all cultural and social tasks of the state can be covered out of state-owned businesses, out of the revenues of the postal service, railroad, mines, forests, and so on, without anything further. In the second place the sovereign people’s state [Volksstaat] has the power, at any time, to take care of special cultural tasks through the issue of interest-free value-tokens in lieu of the interest-bearing certificates declared to be the rule in the Mammonistic state.

It is thoroughly impossible to see why the state should make special cultural tasks, e.g. railroad, canal, and hydroelectric construction, more costly for itself with an eternal promise of interest that is completely unnecessary. If it cannot pay the costs of construction from the revenues of its current state- owned businesses, then there is no reason to see why the state should not create the money; the sovereign people must indeed pay for it, while it recognizes precisely this money as a means of payment. Why however should the folk, with its entire work- and tax- potential, stand behind another slip of paper (the interest-bearing loan), which imposes on the folk in its totality only an eternal interest-obligation for the benefit of the capitalist!? Therefore away with this obsession of the Mammonistic state! The capitalists then will just take up the issued paper notes and accumulate paper money.

This is refuted in two ways. First, the demand that mere possession of money should be rendered unprofitable would then of course be already fulfilled, and the abolition of interest-slavery voluntarily undertaken by the capitalists themselves, since the capitalist renounces interest of his own accord if he piles up his paper notes at home. Second, the capitalist’s fear for his money makes it unlikely; one need only imagine the sleepless nights of the currency-hoarder who keeps great sums of money piled up at home and must constantly see his possession threatened by thieves, robbers, burglars, house- searches, fire, and flood. I am convinced that the upright citizen would become tired of these worries in a short time, and would soon find his way to the state bank. The state bank issues a receipt and is now legally responsible for the account, but not for any interest- payments. Otherwise of course a third possibility still remains open to everyone, specifically to work with his money, to create values and to manufacture goods, to participate in industrial undertakings, to render his life ever richer and finer, to support art and scholarship, in short to make beneficial use of his money while rejecting the Cult of Mammon.

It can however still happen that private need of capital for some goals urgently presents itself, e.g. for testing of inventions, founding of businesses by young, competent craftsmen or businessmen, etc.

To begin with, this has nothing whatsoever to do with the abolition of interest-slavery! For, in the first place, one must logically assume that the capitalist, who after the abolition of interest-slavery of course has no more opportunity to invest his moneys in a bombproof manner and to expect idle consumption of interest, will rather, as in an earlier age, be inclined to risk his money for such purposes, so that a lack or need in this direction will therefore occur much less than hitherto. Or has one not heard on the contrary again and again from the efficient businesspeople, from the cleverest inventors, precisely the complaint of how difficult it is to get money in the Mammonistic state for such purposes unless a “dividend” could be guaranteed? In the second place, it must be the task of the coming state to foster every competent force through generous support. There were indeed even before now already beginnings toward this in the old bureaucratic state, but so small- hearted that, instead of a stimulus, an inhibition and reluctance resulted, because of the harassing regulations that accompanied the granting of public support. In the third place let it be noted that with the allocation of several million marks, enormously much could be achieved. The joy of labor, the industriousness and tenacity of the German inventor, engineer, craftsman, etc. is so great that, through the state’s right of participation in the results of fortunate inventions, the expenditures most likely would be richly rewarded (England as an example).

The abolition of interest-slavery leads necessarily to the exhaustion of wealth.

Oho! Who claims that? But of course! Whoever has adapted his life to the consumption of his interest-payments on capital and cannot resolve to work, with him it is certainly true: consuming 5% annually he will have completely exhausted his wealth in 20 years. Of course, but that is indeed completely in order! What we want is precisely the abolition of interest-slavery; we want living on a pension to cease being the citizen’s highest ideal. We want to end this Mammonistic decadence; indeed we want no longer to tolerate that one, that many, can live in comfort permanently only from interest-payments on loans — in other words at the expense of others! I repeat: it is also not true at all that the abolition of the lordship of interest would lead to the elimination and exhaustion of wealth. On the contrary, the abolition of interest-slavery would promote the creation of wealth based on labor that manufactures goods and produces value, unburdened and liberated from eternal interest-outlays. The abolition of interest-slavery leads, as we have seen, to a comprehensive lowering of costs in all of life; it unburdens us from the excessive weight of taxation so that for every working man the possibility of accumulating savings must be greater in the future than hitherto. One more thing! The goods- and values-producing national-economic labor of industry, commerce, and trade is in no way hindered, but fostered to the utmost through the abolition of interest- slavery.

What does the worker get if capitalists receive no more interest-payments? This question really ought not to be coming up anymore! In the first place, of course it was the constant battlecry of labor that the capitalists would exploit the workers; in the second place we have indeed clearly and plainly seen that it is the laborer more than anyone else that is required to pay the interest on loans. [In other words, what the worker gets is lower taxes and a lower cost of living.] The bonds of family are weakened and damaged if one can leave no wealth behind for the children.

Yes what is the reality here? Quite generally I think that money has little or nothing to do with the sense of family. Or has one heard that the children of wealthier parents cleave to their parents more than those of poor parents? Or do rich parents love their children more than the less propertied? What is likely to be more important for the children, that their parents arrange for them the best possible upbringing and have them learn some discipline, raising them into industrious and healthy and courageous people, or that they leave behind for them the biggest possible moneybag? In particular cases a justified striving to secure the children’s financial future undoubtedly will have to be acknowledged. This striving, and thus the thriftiness of the parents for their children, will be in no way adversely affected by the abolition of interest- slavery; on the contrary. The possibility of saving will become greater, when our national economy will be liberated from the all-encompassing pressure of interest-slavery.

We have seen from the example of the man with earnings of 10,000 marks and pension-income of 5000 marks that all medium-sized and smaller fortunes are in fact robbed of any beneficial effect by the circuitous route of the direct and indirect taxes of housing-rent and so on.

I cannot repeat often enough: interest on bonds for possessors of small and medium amounts of wealth is a swindle, a self-deception, a running around in circles, but big capital through its devoted press has quite diabolically propagated and proclaimed in all the world the faith in the sanctity and inviolability of interest. It allows everyone seemingly to take part in the lovely, anaesthetizing consumption of interest, in order to lull to sleep the bad conscience that must invariably accompany idle, laborless consumption of interest – and in order to recruit comrades for the struggle, for the defense of this highest good of Mammonism.

The civil servant, the statesman, will say: the state cannot renounce the obligation that it has undertaken toward its creditors.

What does “obligations” mean? Is it in any way moral to enter into obligations about which the state must know from the beginning that it can only fulfill these obligations if it takes the interest away from the creditors through direct and indirect taxes in precisely the same amount? Where is the morality in that? Or is it not perhaps more honest to admit: “I can only pay the interest if I collect just as much in taxes – but back during the war I absolutely had to have money, and for that I did the swindle with the war-bond; you have to forgive me, beloved folk; it was ultimately for you, and now we want to play no more hide-and-seek; I the state am paying no interest and you, the taxpayer, need not pay taxes for the interest; that will substantially simplify our transactions. Thus we shall do without the enormous tax-bureaucracy and likewise the extraordinary interest-serving bureaucracy. Right? Do we have a deal?” And you, Herr Scheidemann, do not again post your name on every advertising pillar as the secretary of state of the old compromised government amid foolish declarations relating to the security and inviolability of the war-bond. You only embarrass yourself: the benefit of the entire swindle has indeed gone only and solely to big loan-capital.

Financial officials and banking professionals are declaring that the abolition of enslavement to interest on war-bonds and public debts is impossible because it is synonymous with public bankruptcy.

You will forgive me: according to your speeches we are indeed publicly bankrupt anyway, or must become so. An overt declaration of public bankruptcy however would be the greatest stupidity that we could commit: to the actual incompetence of the current power- holders it would add prematurely the historical confirmation of this incompetence.

Why declare bankruptcy? If I have put 3 marks from the right pants-pocket into the left, I must still not on that account declare the bankruptcy of the right pants- pocket! It was indeed no different with the war- loan! The Reich took out of the people’s pockets the first actually present billions, then the moneys flowed back again; then came the new loan and again the money streamed back; once again came the pump and sucked the billions and again they ebbed back, until, after the game had been repeated nine times, the state had merrily generated 100 billion in debt. For that the people had 100 billion in finely printed paper in their hands. At first the folk imagined that it had become so much richer; then came the state and said: “It is horrible; I have 100 billion in debt and face bankruptcy.” – Yes but why? That is in any case only a self-deception! I myself can indeed never become bankrupt if every so often I take my money from the one pocket and place it in the other. Therefore we can rest at ease about state bankruptcy in regard to our internal war- bond debts. Therefore we really need not declare public bankruptcy and we can really spare ourselves the gigantic labor with the stupid interest-payments and the big, but even stupider, taxes.

Let us indeed finally free ourselves from doing the bidding of big loan-capital! Only big loan-capital benefits from this loan-interest tax-swindle, since a lovelier lump of gold is left over for it and the laboring folk pays this surplus in the form of indirect taxes; meanwhile, however, the small and middle-sized capitalist simply chases his own tail.

The global economic official says: The abolition of interest-slavery is not possible for us to accomplish in Germany alone; it must be done internationally; otherwise we shall lose all credit, capital will flow away, and we will still have to fulfill our interest- obligations toward the rest of the world.

I confess that I myself was at a loss about this question for the longest time.

It is the most difficult question because it involves our relationship with the rest of the world; meanwhile the matter has two sides. On the one hand, the idea of the abolition of interest-slavery is the battlecry of all productive peoples, against international enslavement to interest on money; on the other hand it is the radical cure for our internal financial woe. But it is really no reason to refrain from using a cure, just because the equally sick neighbor does not employ it at the same time. It would however be added stupidity if we in Germany continued to run in a crazy circle and pay taxes and interest when we have clearly recognized that this ridiculous activity benefits only the big capitalists and nobody else. Therefore let us lead the way by our liberating example; let us liberate ourselves from the enslavement to interest on money, and we shall soon see that the force of this victorious liberating idea will stimulate the peoples of the world to follow us.

I am actually convinced that our initiative – if this initiative is not suppressed by the German Mammonists – will sweep the other peoples along with irresistible necessity.

The Spartacist says: The whole idea only amounts to a protection of capital; it still remains then as it was: the poor man has nothing and the rich remain.

Yes, my friend; it is in general very hard to have a discussion with you — if you really are in the depths of your soul a Communist, and will therefore actually maintain that “all things belongs to all men” [* Peter Kropotkin, The Conquest of Bread], and if along with that you are indeed familiar with the actual ideas of the great Bolshevik leaders in Russia, especially Lenin, and regard them as correct, and accordingly regard the next tasks of the Soviet Republic designated by Lenin, “universal tendering of accounts and control of all production and distribution,” as humanly possible.

If however you are completely clear about the fact that this task is really only feasible, if at all, under a horrible tyranny, and you still remain at the bottom of your heart a convinced Communist or Spartacist and so on, then let us not dispute further with each other; we just do not understand each other and are speaking different languages, and the future will decide, either for the strait- jacket state that can ultimately result from the chaos of Bolshevism, or the new state for which I hope, with a national economy liberated from interest-slavery.

But if, at the bottom of your Communist heart– if you are honest — you find that you still think about, still long for wife and child, for a human soul that stands closer to you than an Eskimo or a Zulu kaffir, if during factory-labor commanded by the soviet-director you think that it would still be nice to possess your own little cottage, a little garden-plot, if indeed in the very depth of your soul it would really give no true satisfaction that you should be entitled like a dog on the street to use every bitch that crosses your path, if you want to call somebody your wife, if you merely think about saving something from your wage, which then should belong to you alone, then you are already no longer a Communist; then you have already in your heart broken from your so loudly proclaimed catchphrase, “All things belong to all men”; then precisely what you do not want is that all things should belong to all men; you want that precisely what you wish for yourself — wife, child, house, farm, savings — whether you already have it or only hope to get it, even then should belong to you alone.

And do you see, my friend, if you only suspect in your heart that it might make a difference to you, if some random individual came and simply took your savings away from you in the name of “all,” and if he brought another child for you and took with him yours because all children belonged to “all,” then my friend, let us not continue to speak completely past each other.

Perhaps I could ask you to contemplate whether in fact the Communist message that all things should belong to all men would not necessarily mean the end of every culture, because the lack of any concept of ownership must with compelling logic force man down to the level of the beast.

If all things belong to all men, if a tendering of accounts and control of all above-ground production and distribution in Lenin’s sense could be coerced, then in the best-case scenario an ant-colony would result. But in that case we can also do without language, soul, and thought; mutely and instinctively we can perform our forced labor. The end of man is there. [* “The End of Man” is from Ezekiel. There it means the purpose of man but here it could have a double meaning. Man’s purpose under Communism becomes mindless slavery, which is the destruction of man.] But enough now, friend Spartacus. Let this fundamental consideration sink deeply into your head and heart. A more exact answer to your question will then result during conversation with the other parties.

And now, you comrades of the two socialist orientations, moderate and independent! [* Feder refers here to the Social-Democratic Party and its pacifist offshoot, the Independent Social- Democratic Party.] I cannot imagine that serious contradiction or objections against the abolition of interest-slavery would come from your side, and yet I must deal with you categorically, along with the entire socialist world of ideas, from Marx up to the current leaders Ebert, Scheidemann, Kautsky, and so forth.

  1. The socialist will: elevation of the working class is an idea unconditionally bound to prevail; so far we are in agreement.
  2. The paths trodden for the attainment of this great goal are almost entirely wrong, because they 3. are based on false assumptions.
  3. The [Marxist] socialist idea of the state leads necessarily to Communism, thus to decline.
  4. Because however Social- Democracy has a different goal, the elevation of the working class, of all working people in general, it faces a terrible inner conflict, because the logical consequences of Marxism lead to the direct opposite of the practical goal of the workers’ movement.
  5. From this inner division results the overt uncertainty in the direction of the government.
  6. For the sake of the great practical goal (elevation of the working class) a sharper line must be drawn against Spartacus and Bolshevistic Communism, and their methods must be combated with all our might. But Social- Democracy, organized through labor-unions, feels weak today before these radical groups, because it has taken up Marxist thinking as its fundamental principle of education, and because all Marxist ways of thinking logically lead to Communism.

Now the proof: point 2 says that the paths trodden by Social-Democracy are almost entirely wrong.

The whole agitation conducted throughout the country has led to a deep division within the population of our nation. The constantly repeated slanders against employers of every kind, indeed of every bourgeois calling whatsoever, as exploiters and bloodsuckers of the manual laborer working ostensibly unassisted, have led to an unjustified embitterment and to the haughtiness of labor, which today necessarily finds its expression in the demand for the “dictatorship of the proletariat” (Communist Manifesto). The essential demand of the Erfurt Program – the transfer of the means of production from private ownership into the ownership and operation of the community – has today been compressed into the cry for “socialization.” It is completely clear to every serious politician that full socialization of our economic ruin would mean complete state bankruptcy. But one dare not confess this openly and freely to the people.

Not socialization but desocialization would have to be the motto now. Thus one attempts to compensate the blatant miscarriage of every socialization through delusional tax-projects and by this route to “expropriate the expropriators” for the second time. All of that means nothing other than abandoning the entire national economy to utter ruin. Instead of growth (a doubling of production, as the entire socialist literature for the period after the revolution promised, is out of the question) the exact opposite has occurred.

The worst thing however would be if the current socialist government thought of accepting big foreign loans. With that not only would our economic decline be sealed, but we would furthermore quite entirely deliver ourselves into interest-slavery to the Entente, from which there would be no return.

The fundamental failure, the basic error, upon which this whole wrong chain of treaties, demands, and promises to the people has been constructed, is an entirely wrong attitude toward industrial capital and loan-capital. The Communist Manifesto, the Erfurt Program, Marx, Engels, Lasalle, Kautsky, have not recognized the radical difference between industrial capital and loan- capital.

On this point the entire Social- Democracy must relearn; this fundamental error must be clearly recognized and frankly admitted without reservation. Then however one must also relentlessly draw the only possible conclusions. These however signify radical renunciation of the pointless, because completely mistaken, rage against industry, against the employer. Worker and work-giver belong together; they have the same goal — work, production; for without production, without work, there can be no life, no culture, no forward, and no upward. The self-evident and unavoidable oppositions that exist among humans, just because they are humans, are much less important than the great shared interest of employer and employee. These oppositions are and have been resolvable by means of wage- contracts and trade-organizations to the mutual satisfaction of both sides.

But let us not pursue further these questions that are trivial in the scope of our treatise on the largest political lines of force, and let us only emphasize that the interest of labor collectively is perfectly aligned with our national industry, with the national economy of our people.

Whoever teaches otherwise and presents the oppositions between employer and employees as more important reveals himself as irresponsible precisely in regard to the workers; for he thereby lays the axe to the roots of the tree that nourishes and supports the worker.

Social-Democracy however has done that, and with that it has incurred eternal guilt before German labor; with that it has brought unspeakable misery upon our folk, because it cannot keep all its promises, because it cannot bring to us the peace of mutual understanding, because it cannot create work for us, because it must even set up an armed force against us, because it cannot get by without the civil service, because it must demand the obligation to work, because universal equal and direct suffrage for men and women over the age of 20 helps nobody to earn a living, because without the state’s guarantee of the security of person and property chaotic circumstances must occur, because without integration and subordination of the individual into society no vitality of the state is possible.

Thus a deep, despair-filled wave of disappointment passes through the entire people. If individuals still do not understand it, ministers, members of parliament, and people’s delegates continue cheerfully lying to each other that the “gains of the revolution” must be defended against “reaction”: what these two terms mean, if anything, no sincere statesman would be able to tell the people clearly.

The negative actions of the revolution, the deposing of a series of antiquated dynasties, deposing of officers, abolition of the nobility, dissolution of the army, in short the “Great Demolition,” is indeed no “gain.” And reaction?! The swept-away, rotten doctrine of divine right does not have anywhere in the entire folk enough moral support to result in any forceful action; the bourgeoisie, as regards the real bourgeois, is much too cowardly, much too morally corrupt, to rally against class-conscious labor: therefore it is not necessary for the ruling class of the workers to be worried about a dynastic or bourgeois reaction.

But the deep disappointment of the people about the so-called gains of the revolution, in other words about the lack of any real improvement of the people’s situation, that is the great danger. This disappointment leads to the streaming away of great masses ever farther to the left, where the promises already made are outbid by far.

Ultimately one can no longer make promises such as “all things to all men.” That is pure madness, but every idea, every phenomenon, every activity stretched and exaggerated to the extreme becomes madness in the end, and then changes into its opposite. So goes it likewise with the Communist idea that all should belong to all, for this ultimately comes to an end and resolves into all … having nothing. Hunger, despair, misery, sickness, and need have arrived in Russia; people have lost the last remnant of courage and joy in living.

I repeat: the enormous fundamental error in the socialist idea-world is ultimately to be traced back to the failure to recognize the deep essential difference between industrial capital and loan- capital. Interest-devouring loan-capital is the scourge of humanity. It is the eternal effortless and endless growth of big loan-capital, not productive, goods- manufacturing, industrial working- capital, that leads to the exploitation of peoples.

I cannot forgo here the examination of the question of why this essential difference has not been recognized; whether it really has not been recognized, or whether it perhaps has been obscured for the benefit of big loan-capital; whether the leaders and chiefs in the struggle against Capitalism, whether the authors of the Communist Manifesto, of the Erfurt Program, and the current leaders always have proceeded with the necessary conscientiousness.

It is the most grave and terrible thing when one casts doubt on the absolute earnestness and firm conviction of another; it seems all the more grave, the more carefully one seeks after the causes and relationships pertaining to life’s occurrences. I want therefore also to give no answer at all to this question itself, rather only to allude to big, obscure connections by citing an utterance of Disraeli, the greatest English Prime Minister, Lord Beaconsfield. This he writes in his novel Endymion: “No man will treat with indifference the principle of race. It is the key of history, and why history is often so confused is that it has been written by men who were ignorant of this principle and all the knowledge it involves.” [Baron Sergius to Endymion] The bourgeois.

The bourgeois, to whom rest appears as his bourgeois duty, is certainly disturbed by every new revolutionary demand, as always with every new idea. It means unrest for him; for perhaps he would even have to think something about it.

All change is odious to him; he wants to have his rest, and woe unto him that covets his moneybag. Now indeed one does want from him his interest- payments, his income from rent on houses, the interest-payments from his covered bonds, the interest that he collects on mortgages; in short, what constitutes his rest, his contentment, and his good fortune.

Even so, we must inquire what the members of the classes owning loan- capital will have to say. They form, apart from the true bourgeois…. Bourgeois is a human type, with which nothing further is to be initiated; the bourgeois is a branch on the tree of humanity that should be lopped off, the sooner the better. These are the smug, self-satisfied Babbitts with their deplorably narrow horizons, who are capable of no enthusiasm. They while away their days in eternal monotony with coffee, morning newspaper, morning drink, noon paper, lunch, afternoon nap, coupon-clipping, afternoon drink, friends at the pub, and occasionally the movie-house. Lacking comprehension for all that moves the world, all for which youth longs, all that distresses the folk, the state, and society, untroubled about war and victory, they vegetate and decay, simultaneously arrogant and obsequious – but the bourgeoisie is such a broad class that it cannot be ignored.

Thus, through the abolition of interest- slavery, thrift is destroyed; people end up in the poorhouse.

That the abolition of interest-slavery quite generally may have its influence on thrift must be decisively denied. Thrift has just as little to do with the prevailing economic views as e.g. wastefulness. Thrift and wastefulness are human qualities that either are present or not, indifferent to whether an age approves or frowns upon the idea of interest.

In times of transition perhaps an increase or diminution of thrift can be promoted. In the given case however I tend much more to the view that a rational, economically minded person will say to himself the following: “I can no longer in the future count on living on my interest alone. I want however to live in later years and also still leave something behind for my children; therefore I must now save more.” The abolition of interest-slavery must, in my opinion, exert this effect on the majority of people. As for the elderly, of course they will be referred to public support.

Here too I must once again stress emphatically that, given the current burden of direct taxes on property and the burden of indirect taxes on every lifestyle, nothing of the lovely interest- payments remains, except in the case of that person for whom – and it is indeed something iniquitous and to be combated – all income flows only from eternal interest-payments. Therefore a decline in thrift is probably not to be feared.

Is (loathsome) big capital really so utterly unfruitful? Has it not also created the means to large-scale progress that bears fruits for humanity greater than what the interest on loan- capital destroys? No! The posing of the question only proves that Mammonistic phraseology has clouded our clear vision.

Big capital has not created the means to large-scale progress; rather big capital has grown from labor! All capital is accumulated labor. Big capital is in itself unproductive, because plain money by itself is a thoroughly unfruitful thing. From mind, labor, and available or already developed raw materials or mineral resources, values are produced and goods are manufactured – through labor and only through labor.

For if one pours so much money onto the most fertile farmland, into the richest coalmine, the farmland does not on that account bear grain, nor the coalmine spit out coals by itself! Let us conclusively affirm this.

If people have invented money, it is accordingly quite useful and reasonable; for in every complex economy one needs this (universally recognized) “voucher for completed labor.” But that a potential should inhere in these “money- empires” to grow eternally from themselves into enormity – and money does that, if it can bear interest – it is that against which the core of our being rebels; it is that which exalts money far above all other earthly manifestations; it is that which makes money into an idol. And all of that is indeed only the most enormous self-deception of humanity! Nothing, nothing at all, can come from money alone. Table, cabinet, clothing, house, tool, in short everything around us has some value; in the end one can still use a broken piece of furniture as firewood to warm oneself, but with a twenty-mark note one cannot do anything; I cannot even wrap a piece of cheese in it. Only after people have sensibly agreed on the facilitation of the exchange of goods for consumption, to write vouchers for completed labor, only with that does the slip of paper receive meaning and purpose, and it is very reasonable that the farmer for his grain receives from the coalmining company not coal but money; thus a voucher for other completed labor, e.g. pitchforks, crockery, plough, and scythe. But with that the power of money should end.

Thus the large-scale progress of humanity has been made not by money but by the men themselves, their bold spirit, their proud daring, their clever mind, the strength of their hands, their shared, therefore social, industrious labor. So proudly and so clearly must we see. The men were the thing, certainly not the pitiful pieces of paper that men invented for the simplification of commerce.

Further Program Although the abolition of interest- slavery is not the final goal of the new statecraft; it is truly the most incisive deed, the only deed that is able to unite all peoples into a true league of nations, against the tyranny of Mammonism that encompasses all peoples. But it is not the end. On the contrary, the abolition of interest-slavery must lead to further steps, because, as we have seen, it lays hold of the global evil by the root, and indeed by the main root.

Only when the groundlaying demand for abolition of interest-slavery is fulfilled, is the path cleared for the first time ever for the social state. This must be clearly recognized, and it must be accomplished in spite of all Mammonistic powers. The cry for socialization [while interest-slavery persists] is nothing more than the attempt to bring about the formation of a trust of all industries and to create giant conglomerates everywhere, over which big loan-capital, in spite of all wealth- taxes, will naturally also have the deciding influence again in the future. A socialistic state on a Mammonistic foundation is an absurdity and leads by nature to a compromise between Social- Democracy, already strongly contaminated with Mammonism, and big capital.

We, by contrast, demand radical rejection of the Mammonistic state and a reconstruction of the state according to the true spirit of socialism, in which the ruling basic idea is the obligation to nourish — in which an old basic demand of Communism can find its rational and useful satisfaction — in the form that every member of the folk shall receive his assigned entitlement to the soil of the homeland through the state’s allocation of the most important foodstuffs.

We further demand, as a skeleton for the new state, a representation of the people through the Chamber of People’s Representatives, which is to be elected on the broadest basis, and next to that a permanent Chamber of Labor, the central council in which the nation’s workers have a voice in proportion to their distribution by profession and economic class. Finally we demand the highest accountability for the directors of the state. This new construction of the state on a socialist-aristocratic basis will be treated in an additional work that will appear soon from the same publisher.

The prerequisite for all this construction however remains the abolition of interest-slavery.

My unshakable belief, nay more, my knowledge makes me recognize clearly that the abolition of interest-slavery is not only enforceable but will and must be taken up everywhere with indescribable jubilation. For bear in mind: in contrast to all other ideas and movements and endeavors, however well intentioned, that aim at the improvement of mankind, my proposal does not want to try to improve human nature; rather it applies itself against a toxic substance, against a phenomenon that was artfully – no, diabolically – invented, completely contrary to the deepest feeling of man, in order to make humanity ill, in order to ensnare humanity in materialism, in order to rob from it the best thing that it has, the soul.

Hand in hand next to it goes the frightful, pitiless tyranny of the money-powers, for which people are only interest- slaves, exist only to work for the dividend, for interest.

Deeply troubled we recognize the frightful clarity and truth of the old Biblical proverbs, according to which the god of the Jews Yahweh promises to his chosen people: “I want to grant to you to own all treasures of the world; at your feet shall lie all peoples of the Earth and you shall rule over them.” This global question is now laid out before all of you. Global questions are not solved with a wave of the hand, but the idea is clear as day. And the deed must be diligently propagated; we must understand clearly that we face the most formidable enemy, the world-encompassing money-powers. All force on the other side, on our side only justice, the eternal justice of productive labor.

Extend your hands to me, working people of all countries, unite! Publisher’s Afterword While repetitive at times, this Manifesto clearly stresses the importance of ending interest-slavery and presents some of the many benefits that would arise from such a radical departure of what we know as the “norm.” What most Americans are unaware of is how much emphasis the Nazis placed on uplifting the working class. This lack of awareness comes in spite of the NSDAP name : National- Socialist German Worker’s Party.

Concern and struggle for the working class continues today, as does the movement to end profits without work – interest-slavery. Such modern struggles have been far more successful in Europe than in the United States, but there is a single American organization calling itself the “American Nazi Party” ( ) that continues to harp on very similar economic principles as Feder and the NSDAP. In fact, due to the ever increasing wage disparity in the US, coupled with high unemployment rates nationwide and general dissatisfaction with the current government, such movements are currently seeing relatively strong growth.

It is clear as to why Feder’s ideas have not taken root in modern society, and that is because of the influence that the international banking powers wield over most nations. In the US, the Federal Reserve is a private banking entity that is not accountable to the US Government, yet they hold tremendous power over the American economy. Had Feder’s ideas been implemented here in the States, Ceteris paribus, it is almost certain that the recent mortgage crisis of 2007, which led to deep recession, high unemployment, and the big bank “bailouts” wouldn’t have occurred.

This publisher hopes that the Manifesto was read with an open mind, free of any preconceived ideas about “Nazism” or the horrors of war that are so often associated with the 3rd Reich. Clearly there was much more to the ideology and practices of National- Socialist Germany than the History Channel or even most “history” books provide. Modern governments have taken much from Nazi Germany such as laws protecting animal rights, the “green” movement (see Richard Walther Darré), paid vacations and other labor comforts that we take for granted today. Would it be too absurd to suggest that maybe their economic policies held some merit as well? [1] The following declarations about the Bavarian state budget are in rounded figures taken from the Bavarian State Yearbook of the year 1913. This is the last statistical yearbook that appeared before the war, which gives exhaustive reporting about Bavarian finances. During the war no more recent reports appeared.

[2] The unceasing increase in interest-rates and material-prices has led to the fact that the net yield of the Bavarian state railroad in the year 1918 has declined to 3 million marks, compared to an average of 80 million in preceding years. In Prussia, according to the reports of Finance-Minister Simon, the previously customary average profit of 700 marks has even been replaced by a deficit of 1,300,000,000 marks. We will therefore be less able than ever to think about continually increasing direct and indirect taxes; we must think more than ever about immediately reducing the new debts that have grown through catastrophic finance-economy by very strong requisitioning of wealth, especially from the very large fortunes.


“Der Stürmer” wishes you a successful Year of Struggle – 130 (2018)!


The 16-th Martyrs of November 9th, 1923

At half-past twelve in the afternoon of November 9th, 1923, those whose names are given below fell in front of the Feldherrnhalle and in the forecourt of the former War Ministry in Munich for their loyal faith in the resurrection of their people:

Alfarth, Felix, Merchant, born July 5th, 1901
Bauriedl, Andreas, Hatmaker, born May 4th, 1879
Casella, Theodor, Bank Official, born August 8th, 1900
Ehrlich, Wilhelm, Bank Official, born August 19th, 1894
Faust, Martin, Bank Official, born January 27th, 1901
Hechenberger, Anton, Locksmith, born September 28th, 1902
Koerner, Oskar, Merchant, born January 4th, 1875
Kuhn, Karl, Head Waiter, born July 25th, 1897
Laforce, Karl, Student of Engineering, born October 28th, 1904
Neubauer, Kurt, Waiter, born March 27th, 1899
Pape, Claus von, Merchant, born August 16th, 1904
Pfordten, Theodor von der, Councillor to the Superior Provincial Court, born May 14th, 1873
Rickmers, Johann, retired Cavalry Captain, born May 7th, 1881
Scheubner-Richter, Max Erwin von, Dr. of Engineering, born January 9th, 1884
Stransky, Lorenz Ritter von, Engineer, born March 14th, 1899
Wolf, Wilhelm, Merchant, born October 19th, 1898

So-called national officials refused to allow the dead heroes a common burial. So I dedicate the first volume of this work to them as a common memorial, that the memory of those martyrs may be a permanent source of light for the followers of our Movement.

The Fortress, Landsberg am Lech,
October 16th, 1924

Adolf Hitler

The 120th Birthday of Reichsminister Dr. Joseph Goebbels

Books and articles by Reichsminister Dr. Joseph Goebbels:

Joseph Goebbels – Selection of Articles and Speeches (1933-1945) [external link]

Joseph Goebbels: Nazi-Sozi

Joseph Goebbels: 30 Articles of War for the German People

Joseph Goebbels: My Part in Germany’s Fight

– David Irving’s famous biography: Goebbels. Mastermind of the Third Reich:

– Video-slide-shows with photographs of Dr. Goebbels:

George Lincoln Rockwell – A National Socialist Life

By Dr. William Pierce

On the eighteenth of June, 1945, a little over six weeks after the death of Adolf Hitler, Rudolf Hess wrote the following words in a letter to his wife, from his prison cell:

You will readily imagine how often during the last few weeks my thoughts have turned to the years gone by: to this quarter of a century of history, concentrated for us in one name and full of the most wonderful human experiences. History is not ended. It will sooner or later take up the threads apparently broken off forever and knit them together in a new pattern. The human element is no more and lives only in memory. Very few people have been privileged, as we were, to participate from the very beginning in the growth of a unique personality, through joy and sorrow, hope and trouble, love and hate, and all the manifestations of greatness, and further, in all the little indications of human weakness, without which a man is not truly worthy of love…

Even when one has been privileged to witness the manifestations of greatness, it may be exceedingly difficult to describe adequately in words those manifestations and thereby to paint a true picture of a unique and great personality. When one has not the basis of a quarter-century of participation in the growth of such a personality, but less than two years, the task is especially difficult. It would be a vain hope, then, to expect the pages which follow to reflect the true greatness of the man. That greatness will be best reflected in the fruition of his life’s work in years to come.

Here, however, we can at least hope to evoke an image of the man, imperfect and incomplete though it may be, which will serve to inspire those National Socialists who did not have the privilege of knowing him personally.

GEORGE LINCOLN ROCKWELL was born on March 9, 1918, in Bloomington, a small coal-mining and farming town in central Illinois. Both his parents were theatrical performers. His father, George Lovejoy Rockwell, was a twenty-eight-year-old vaudeville comedian of English and Scotch ancestry. His mother, born Claire Schade, was a young German-French toe-dancer, part of a family dance team. His parents were divorced when he was six years old, and he and a younger brother and sister lived alternately with their mother and their father during the next few years.

The young Rockwell passed the greater part of his boyhood days in Maine, Rhode Island, and New Jersey. His father settled in a small coastal town in Maine, and Rockwell spent his summers there; attending school in Atlantic City and, later, in Providence during the winters. Some of his fondest memories in later years were of summer days spent on the Maine beaches, or hiking in the Maine woods, or exploring the coves and inlets of the Maine coast in his sailboat, which he built himself, starting from an old skiff. Rockwell acquired what was to be a lifelong love of sailing and the sea during those early years spent with his father in Maine.

Aside from a bit more traveling about than the average child, it is difficult to find anything extraordinary in his childhood environment. He lived in the midst neither great poverty nor great wealth; he had an affectionate relationship with both his parents, despite their divorce; he was a sound and healthy child, and there seems to be no evidence of prolonged unhappiness or turmoil in his childhood. If he later recalled with greater pleasure the times spent with his father than those spent with his mother, this can be attributed either to the greater opportunities to satisfy his youthful longing for adventure that life on the Maine coast offered relative to that in the city, or to the fact that his mother lived with a domineering sister of whom young Rockwell was not fond.

And yet, even as a boy he displayed those qualities of character which were later to set him off from the common run of men. His most remarkable quality was his responsiveness to challenge. To tell the boy Rockwell that a thing was impossible, that it simply could not be done, was to awaken in him the irresistible determination to do it. He has described an experience he had at the age of ten which illustrates this aspect of his character.

A juvenile gang of some of the tougher elements at the grammar school he was attending in an Atlantic City coastal suburb had singled him out for hazing. He was informed that he was to be given a cold dunking in the ocean, and that he should relax and submit gracefully, as resistance would be futile. Instead of submitting, he ferociously fought off the entire gang of his attackers on the beach, wildly striking out with his fists and feet, clawing, biting, and gouging until the other boys finally abandoned their aim of throwing him in the water and retire to nurse their wounds.

Later, as a teenager, he found that the challenge of a stormy sea affected him in much the same way as had the challenge of the juvenile gang. When other boys brought their boats into dock because the water was too rough, young Rockwell found his greatest pleasure in sailing. He loved nothing better than to pit his strength and his skill against the wild elements. As the wind and the waves rose so did his spirits Wrestling with tiller and rigging in a tossing boat, drenched with spray and blasted by fierce gusts, he would howl back at the wind in sheer animal joy.

This peculiar stubbornness of his nature-call it a combative spirit, if you will-coupled with an absolute physical fearlessness, which led him into many a dangerous and harebrained escapade as a boy, gave him the willpower as a man to undertake without hesitation ventures at which ordinary men quailed; throughout his life it led him to choose the course of action which his reason and his sensibility told him to be the right course regardless of the course those about him were taking; ultimately it provided the driving force which led him to issue a challenge and stand alone against a whole world, when it became apparent to him that that world was on the wrong course. This trait provides the key to the man.

Two other characteristics he displayed as a boy were an omnivorous curiosity and a stark objectivity. He attributed his curiosity, as well as the artistic talents which he early displayed, to his father, who also exhibited these traits, but the source of his rebellious spirit and his indomitable will is harder to assign. They seem to have been the product of a rare and fortuitous combination of genes, giving rise to a nature markedly different from that of his immediate forebears.

He entered Brown University in the fall of 1938, as a freshman. His major course of study was philosophy, but he was also very interested in the sciences. He used the opportunity of staff work on student periodicals to exercise his talents in drawing and creative writing. In addition to his curricular, journalistic, and artistic activities, he also found time for a substantial amount of skirt chasing and other collegiate sports, including skiing and fencing; he became a member of the Brown University fencing team.

While at Brown he had his first head-on encounter with modern liberalism. He enrolled in a sociology course with the naive expectation that, just as in his geology and psychology courses he would learn the scientific principles underlying those two areas of human knowledge, so in sociology would he learn some of the basic principles underlying human social behavior.

He was disappointed and confused, however, when it gradually became apparent to him that there was a profound difference in the attitudes of sociologists and, say, geologists toward their subjects. Whereas the authors of his geology textbooks were careful to point out there were many things about the history and the structure of the earth which were as yet unknown, or only imperfectly known, it was clear that there were indeed fundamental ideas and well-established facts upon which the science was based and that both his geology professor and the authors of geology textbooks were sincerely interested in presenting these ideas and facts to the student in an orderly manner, with the hope that he would thereby gain a better understanding of the nature of the planet on which he lived.

In sociology, he found the basic principles far more elusive. What was particularly disturbing to him, though, was not so much the complexity of the concepts as the gnawing suspicion the waters had been deliberately muddied. He redoubled his efforts to get to the roots of the subject or, at least, to understand where the hints, innuendoes, and roundabout promptings led: „I buried myself in my sociology books, absolutely determined to find why I was missing the kernel of the thing.“

The equalitarian idea that the manifest differences between the capabilities of individuals and between the evolutionary development of various races can be accounted for almost wholly by contemporary environmental effects-that there really are no inborn differences in quality worth mentioning among human beings-was certainly one of the places his sociology textbooks were leading:

I was bold enough to ask Professor Bucklin if this were the idea, and he turned red in anger. I was told it was impossible to make any generalizations, although all I was asking for was the fundamental idea, if any, of sociology. I began to see that sociology was different from any other course I had ever taken. Certain ideas produced apoplexy in the teacher, particularly the suggestion that perhaps some people were no-good biological slobs from the day they were born. Certain other ideas, although they were never formulated and stated frankly, were fostered and encouraged-and these were always ideas revolving around the total power of environment.

Although he did not clearly recognize it for what it was at that time, young Rockwell had partially uncovered one of the most widely used tactics of the modern liberals. When the clever liberal has as his goal miscegenation, say, he certainly does not just blurt this right out. Instead he will write novels, produce television shows, and film motion pictures which, subtly at first and then more and more boldly, suggest that those who engage in sexual affairs with Negroes are braver, better, more attractive people than those who don’t; and that opposition to miscegenation is a vulgar and loutish perversion, certain evidence of being a ridiculous square at best and a drooling, violent redneck at worst. But if one tries to pin him down and asks him why he is in favor of miscegenation, he will reply in a huff that that is not what he is aiming at at all, but only „justice, or fairness,“ or „better understanding between the races.“

And so when Rockwell naively went right to the heart of the matter in Professor Bucklin’s sociology class, he got an angry reprimand. The racial equalitarians have gotten much bolder in the last thirty years, but at that time Rockwell was merely aware that they wanted him to accept certain ideas without actually those ideas out into the open arena of free discussion where they would be subject to attack:

I still knew little or nothing about communism or its pimping little sister, liberalism, but I could not avoid the steady pressure, everywhere in the University, to accept the ideas of massive human equality and the supremacy of environment.

Typically, this pressure resulted not in acquiescence but in his determination to stand up for what seemed to him to be reasonable and natural. He satirized the equalitarian point of view, not only in his column in the student newspaper, but also in one of his sociology examination papers! The nearly catastrophic consequences of this bit of insolence taught him the prudence of holding his tongue under certain circumstances.

As he began his junior year at Brown, the alien conspiracy to use America as a tool to make the world safe for Jewry was shifting its propaganda machine into high gear. National Socialist Germany was portrayed as a nation of depraved criminals whose goal was the enslavement of the world-including America. Hollywood, the big newspapers, and his liberal professors – always the most noisily vocal action at any university-all pushed the same line, unabashedly appealing to the naive idealism of their audience: „Hitler must be stopped!“

And, like millions of other American patriots, Lincoln Rockwell fell for the smooth lies and the clever swindle, backed as they were by the authority of the head of the American government. Neither he nor his millions of compatriots realized that the conspiracy had reached into the White House, and that its occupant had sold his services to the conspirators:

It is typical of my political naivete of that time that when the propaganda about Hitler began to be pushed upon us in large doses, I swallowed it all, unable even to suspect that somebody might have an interest in all this, and that it might not be the interest of the United States or our people… It became obvious that we would have to get into the war to stop this ‘horrible ogre’ who planned to conquer America so we were told, and so I believed.

Thus, in March, 1941, convinced that America was in mortal danger from „the Nazi aggressors,“ Rockwell left his comfortable life at the university and offered his services to his country’s armed forces. Shortly after enlisting in the United States Navy, he received an appointment as an Aviation Cadet and began flight training at Squantum, Massachusetts. He received his first naval commission, as an ensign, on December 9, 1941 – two days after the Pearl Harbor attack. He served as a naval aviator throughout World War II, advancing from the rank of ensign to lieutenant and winning several decorations. He commanded the naval air support during the American invasion of Guam, in July and August, 1944. He was promoted to lieutenant commander in October, 1945, and shortly thereafter returned to civilian life, where he hoped to make a career for himself as an artist.

While still in the navy, he had married a girl he had known as a student at Brown University. The marriage was not a particularly happy one, although it was destined to last more than ten years.

The first five years after leaving the navy were spent as an art student, a commercial photographer, a painter, an advertising executive, and a publisher, in Maine and in New York. Then in 1950, with the outbreak of war in Korea, Lieutenant Commander Rockwell returned to active duty with the United States Navy and was assigned to train fighter pilots in southern California. There almost by chance, the political education of thirty-two-year-old Lincoln Rockwell began.

It was in 1950 that Senator Joseph McCarthy’s investigations into subversive activities and treasonous behavior on the part of a number of United States government employees and officials began to receive wide public notice. Rockwell, like every honest citizen, was horrified and angered by these disclosures of treachery. But he was puzzled as much as he was shocked by the violent, hysterical, and vicious reaction to these disclosures which came from a certain segment of the population. Why were so many persons-and, especially, so many in the public-opinion-forming media-frantically determined to silence McCarthy and, failing that, to smear and discredit him?

McCarthy was an American with a distinguished record. A war hero, like Rockwell he had entered his country’s armed forces as an enlisted man and emerged as a much-decorated officer. He had won the Distinguished Flying Cross for his combat performance in World War II. Now that he was flushing from cover the rats who had sold out the vital interests of the country for which he had fought, Rockwell could not understand why any responsible and loyal citizen should seek to defame the man or block his courageous efforts:

I began to pay attention, in my spare time, to what it was all about. I read McCarthy speeches and pamphlets and found them factual, instead of the wild nonsense which the papers charged was his stock-in-trade. I became aware of a terrific slant in all the papers against Joe McCarthy, although I still couldn’t imagine why.

At this time an acquaintance gave Rockwell some anti-Communist tracts to read. One of the things he immediately noticed about them was their strongly anti-Semitic tone. Although manifest public evidence obliged him to agree with some of the charges made by the authors of these tracts-for example, that there were extraordinarily disproportionate numbers of Jews both among McCarthy’s attackers and among the subversives his investigations were unearthing-he found many of their claims too far-fetched to be credible. In particular, the charge that communism was a Jewish, not a Russian, movement seemed ridiculous when Rockwell considered the fact that Jews were so firmly entrenched in capitalistic enterprises and always had been; capitalism, supposedly the deadly enemy of communism, was the traditional Jewish sphere of influence.

One anti-Communist tabloid went so far as to cite various items of documentary evidence in support of its seemingly wild claims, and Rockwell decided to call its bluff by looking into this „evidence“ for himself. On his next off-duty day he went to the public library in San Diego, and what he found there changed the course of his life-and will yet change the course of world history. In his own words: „Down there in the dark stacks of the San Diego Public Library, I got my awakening from thirty years of stupid political sleep… “

Rockwell was staggered by the evidence he uncovered in the library; it left no doubt, for instance, that what had been described in his school textbooks as the „Russian“ Revolution was instead a Jewish orgy of genocide against the Russian people. He even found that in their own books and periodicals the Jews boasted more-or-less openly of the fact! In a Jewish biographical reference work entitled Who’s Who in American Jewry he found a number of prominent Bolsheviks proudly listed, although by no stretch of the imagination could they be considered Americans. Among them were Lazar Kaganovitch, the Butcher of the Ukraine, and Leon Trotsky (Lev Bronstein), the bloodthirsty Commissar of the Red Army, who was given credit in the book for liquidating „counter-revolutionary forces“ in Russia.

Another book, written by a prominent „English“ Jew, boasted that „the Jews to a greater degree than . . . any other ethnic group . . . have been the artisans of the Revolution of 1917.“ An estimate was given in the book that „80% of the revolutionaries in Russia were Jews.“

Musty back issues of Jewish newspapers told the same story, and they were backed up by official U.S. government records. One volume of such records, which had been published twenty years previously, contained ministerial reports from Russia of brutal frankness. Typical of the material in these records was the following sentence written by the Dutch diplomatic official, Oudendyk, in a 1918 report to his government from Russia:

I consider that the immediate suppression of Bolshevism is the greatest issue now before the World, not even excluding the war which is still raging, and unless as above stated Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately it is bound to spread in one form or another over Europe and the whole world as it is organized and worked by Jews who have no nationality; and whose one object is to destroy for their own ends the existing order of things.

Shocking as were these revelations, Rockwell was even more disturbed by the fact that the general public was oblivious to them. Why were these things not in school history text? Why was he told over and over again by the radio and newspapers and magazines of Adolf Hitler’s „awful crime“ in killing so many Jews, but never told that the Jews in Russia were responsible for the murder of a vastly larger number of Gentiles?

Other questions presented themselves. He had been told that England’s attack on Germany was justified by Hitler’s attack on Poland. But what of the Soviet Union, which had invaded Poland at the same time? Why no English declaration of war against the Soviet Union? Could it be because the government there was in Jewish hands? Who was responsible for the conspiracy of silence on these and other questions? He grimly resolved to find out. And, later, as the facts gradually fitted into place and the whole, sordid picture began to emerge, he saw before him an inescapable obligation.

An honest man, when he becomes aware that some dirty work is afoot in his community, will speak out against it and attempt to rouse his neighbors into doing the same. What if he finds, though, that most of his neighbors do not want to be bothered; that many of his neighbors are already aware of what is afoot but prefer to ignore it because to oppose it might jeopardize their private affairs; that some of his neighbors- some of his ,wealthiest and most influential neighbors, the leaders of the community-are themselves engaged in the dirty work? If he is an ordinary man, he may grumble for a while about such a sorry state of affairs, but he will adapt himself as best he can to it. He will soon see there is nothing to be gained by sticking his neck out, and he will go on about his business.

Human nature being what it is, he will very likely ease his conscience by trying to forget as rapidly as possible what he has learned; perhaps he will even convince himself eventually that there is really nothing wrong after all-that his initial judgement was in error, and that the dirty work was really not dirty work but merely „progress.“ If, on the other hand, he is an extraordinary man with a particularly strong sense of duty, he will continue to oppose what he knows to be wrong and bound to work evil for the community in the long run. He may continue to point out to his neighbors, even after they have made it clear that they are not interested, that the dirty work should be stopped; he may write pamphlets and deliver speeches; he may even run for public office on a „reform“ ticket.

But even so, being a reasonable man and no „extremist,“ he will feel himself obliged to give the malefactors the benefit of the doubt which must surely exist as to their motives. And perhaps their position is, indeed, not wholly wrong? Surely, some sort of reasonable compromise which will be fair to all concerned is the best solution. If the evildoer had been working alone when discovered, hanging would, of course, be the only admissible solution to the problem: a fitting and total repudiation by the community of his evil deeds. But when so many criminals, with so many accomplices, have been engaged for so long in such an extensive undertaking and have already done such profound damage, surely the most reasonable solution must be just to admonish the criminals-if, indeed, it is fair to call them criminals-try to install a few safeguards against their renewed activity – safeguards which, to be sure, would not be too grossly inconsistent with the „progress“ (or was it damage?) already wrought – and then, letting bygones be bygones, try to live with things as they are.

But, it is only one man out of tens of millions – the rare and lonely world-historical figure – who has, first, the objectivity to evaluate such a situation in terms of absolute and timeless standards and, unswayed by popular and contemporary considerations of „reasonableness,“ to draw the ultimate conclusions which those standards dictate; and who then has the strength of will and character to insist that there must be no compromise with evil, that it must be rooted out and utterly destroyed, that right and health and sanity must again prevail, regardless of the commotion and temporary unpleasantness involved in restoring them.

Rockwell had seen the facts. To him, it was unthinkable to attempt to wriggle away from the conclusion they implied. And, as he realized the frightening magnitude of the task before him, instead of attempting to excuse himself from the responsibility which his new knowledge carried with it, he felt rising within him his characteristic response to a seemingly impossible challenge.

It was a straightforward sense of commitment which had led him to volunteer for military service in March, 1941, as soon as he had been tricked into believing that Adolf Hitler was a threat to his country, instead of waiting for Pearl Harbor. And in early 1951, when he began to understand that he had been tricked in 1941 and when he began to see who had tricked him and what they were up to and the terrible damage they had done to his people and were yet planning to do, that same sense of commitment left only one course open to him, namely, to fight! He did not stop to ask whether others were also willing to shoulder their responsibility; his own was perfectly clear to him.

But how to fight? Where to begin? What to do? The name of one man who had done something naturally came to his mind: Adolf Hitler. Rockwell has described what happened next:

I hunted around the San Diego bookshops and finally found a copy of Mein Kampf hidden away in the rear. I bought it, took it home, and sat down to read. And that was the end of one Lincoln Rockwell… and the beginning of an entirely different person.

He had not, of course, spent nearly thirty-three years completely oblivious to world events. Many things had bothered him deeply, and he had spent years of frustrating effort trying to fathom the apparently meaningless chaos into which the world seemed to be descending. It seemed to him that there must be some logical relationship between the events of the preceding few decades, but he could not find the key to the puzzle:

I simply suffered from the vague, unhappy feeling that things were wrong – I didn’t know exactly how – and that there must be a way of diagnosing the disease and its causes and making intelligent, organized efforts to correct that something wrong.

Adolf Hitler’s message in Mein Kampf gave him the key he had been seeking, and more:

In Mein Kampf I found abundant mental sunshine, which bathed all the gray world suddenly in the clear light of reason and understanding. Word after word, sentence after sentence stabbed into the darkness like thunderclaps and lightning bolts of revelation, tearing and ripping away the cobwebs of more than thirty years of darkness, brilliantly illuminating the mysteries of the heretofore impenetrable murk in a world gone mad.

I was transfixed, hypnotized. I could not lay the book down without agonies of impatience to get back to it. I read it walking to the squadron; I took it into the air and read it lying on the chart board while I automatically gave the instructions to the other planes circling over the desert. I read it crossing the Coronado ferry. I read it into the night and the next morning. When I had finished I started again and reread every word, underlining and marking especially magnificent passages. I studied it; I thought about it; I wondered at the utter, indescribable genius of it…

I reread and studied it some more. Slowly, bit by bit, I began to understand. I realized that National Socialism, the iconoclastic world view of Adolf Hitler; was the doctrine of scientific racial idealism – actually a new religion…

And thus Lincoln Rockwell became a National Socialist. But his conversion to the new religion still did not answer his question, „What can be done?“ Eight long years of struggle and defeat lay ahead of him before he would gain the knowledge he needed to effectively translate his new faith into action and begin to carry on Adolf Hitler’s great work once again. While he still lacked the wisdom that could only come in the years ahead, he lacked nothing in energy and determination. For a year he continued to explore the ramifications of the new world view he had adopted and also continued his self-education in several other areas, including the Jewish question.

Then, in November, 1952, the Navy assigned him to a year of duty at the American base at Keflavik in Iceland, where he was executive officer and, later, commanding officer of the Fleet Aircraft Service Squadron there, „Fasron“107. His promotion to commander came in October, 1953, after he had requested an extension of his Icelandic assignment for another year. He also met and fell in love with an Icelandic girl, who became his second wife in the same month he was promoted. This marriage was far happier than his first. The relative isolation and solitude he enjoyed in Iceland gave him a further opportunity to consolidate his thoughts and to plan a campaign of political action based on his National Socialist philosophy. Feeling that his most urgent need was some medium for the dissemination of his political message, he considered various ways in which he might enter the publishing business. He needed to establish a bridgehead in this industry which would provide him with operational funds and living expenses as well as give him a vehicle for political expression.

He finally decided to begin his career with the publication of a monthly magazine for the wives of American servicemen, primarily because the complete absence of any competing publication in the field seemed to offer an excellent business advantage. He felt that he could not only capture this market, thus assuring himself a steady income, but that service families would provide a particularly receptive audience for his political ideas. His idea was to employ the utmost subtlety, disguising his propaganda so carefully that he would not jeopardize any Jewish advertising accounts the magazine might acquire. He naively thought that he would deceive the Jews and move the hearts and minds of his readers in the desired direction simultaneously.

Rough plans had been laid by the time his service in Iceland was over. His return to civilian life came on December 15, 1954. Nine months of more planning, hard work, fund raising, and promotion led to the realization of his ideas with the publication of his new magazine, for which he chose the name U.S. Lady, in Washington, in September, 1955.

At the same time he was getting his magazine underway, he began making personal contacts in right-wing circles in the Washington area. He attended the meetings of various groups and then began to organize meetings of his own. Before he could put his magazine to use as a medium for disguised propaganda, however, he found himself in serious financial difficulties, due to his lack of capital, and he was forced to sell the magazine in order to avoid bankruptcy.

With undiminished enthusiasm, he continued his organizing efforts among the right wing. Making the same mistake that nearly every other beginner makes, he assumed that the proper way to proceed lay in coordinating the numerous right-wing and conservative organizations and individuals-bringing them together into a right-wing superstructure where they could work effectively for their common goals. He felt that such a coordination could make an almost miraculous transformation in the strength of the right-wing position in America.

To this end he bought radio advertisements, spoke at dozens of meetings, wrote numberless letters, and devoted every waking hour to the promotion of his plan for unity. He created a paper organization, the American Federation of Conservative Organizations, and continued his tireless efforts to inspire and mobilize even a few of the hundreds of right-wing groups and individuals with whom he had established contact, but to no avail: „Our meetings were better and better attended, but there was no result at all – nothing accomplished.“

He sadly learned that all the right-wing groups had one weakness in common: their members loved to talk but were incapable of action. A substantial portion of them were hobbyists – escapists obsessed with various pet projects and absolutely invulnerable to reason, or masochists who delighted in moaning endlessly about treason and decay but who were shocked at the suggestion that they should help put an end to it. Many were so neurotic that the idea of engaging them in any prolonged cooperative effort was untenable. Some were simply insane. Virtually all were cowards. Years of inaction or ineffectiveness had drained the ranks of the right-wing of the type of human material essential for any serious undertaking. Very little was left but the sort of dregs with which nothing could be done.

Unfortunately, he had failed to heed the Leader’s warning that eight cripples who join arms do not yield even one gladiator as a result:

And if there were indeed one healthy man among the cripples, he would expend all his strength just keeping the others on their feet and in this way become a cripple himself.

By the formation of a federation, weak organizations are never transformed into strong ones, but a strong organization can and often will be weakened. The opinion that strength must result from the association of weak groups is incorrect..

. . . Great, truly world-shaking revolutions of a spiritual nature are not even conceivable and realizable except as the titanic struggles of individual formations, never as the undertakings of coalitions.

It has been said that experience keeps a dear school, and in Rockwell’s case it was dear indeed. He had exhausted all the money left from the sale of U.S. Lady by the time the last meeting of his American Federation of Conservative Organizations, on July 4, 1956, failed to produce any concrete results. He had to find a new source of income and considered himself fortunate to obtain a temporary position as a television scriptwriter.

This lasted only a few months, however, and then he took a position on the staff of the New York-based conservative magazine, American Mercury, as assistant to the publisher. He had learned the futility of trying to achieve effective cooperation between the various right-wing groups and had resigned himself to forming a new organization.

Rockwell still had two bitter lessons to learn in the school of experience, however-lessons which the Leader had set forth clearly in his immortal book, but which Rockwell, for all his careful study, had failed to take to heart, just as with the admonition against hoping to gain strength by uniting weaknesses. He still believed that the enemies of our people could be fought effectively by the „respectable“ means to which conservatives have always restricted themselves. He thought to avoid the „stigma“ of anti-Semitism by working silently and indirectly against treason and racial subversion. This method had the great advantage of not provoking the enemy, so that one could proceed peacefully and safely with one’s „silent“ work.

Thus, while working at American Mercury he began to formulate plans for an underground, „hard-core“ National Socialist organization, with a right-wing front and financing by wealthy conservatives. Since the organization was to be, in effect, National Socialist, with National Socialists at the helm and carrying out the significant activities, and the conservative front only a disguise, he happily thought he had a plan which would not be subject to all the flaws of those of his conservative efforts of the past.

His new project rapidly foundered on the shoals of reality, however. First he found that wealthy conservatives suffered from most of the character defects that he had already observed in not-so-wealthy conservatives. Money could be gotten from them for „pet“ projects-but not for any serious effort which smacked of danger, particularly danger of exposure. A more fundamental weakness of the „secret“ approach, however, lay in the fact that it is the surface disguise, the front-not the hidden core-which determines the quality of the personnel attracted to an organization. Thus, when his anticipated source of funds balked and his one National Socialist recruit became discouraged and left, Rockwell was faced with the prospect of scrapping his new idea and starting again from nothing.

Sadly he re-read the words the Leader had written more than thirty years previously: „A man who knows a thing, recognizes a given danger, and sees with his own eyes the possibility of a remedy, damned well has the duty and the obligation not to work ‘silently’, but to stand up openly against the evil and for its cure. If he does not do so then he is a faithless, miserable weakling who fails either from cowardice or from laziness and incompetence… Every last agitator who possesses the courage to defend his opinions with manly forth-rightness, standing on a tavern table among his adversaries, accomplishes more than a thousand of these lying, treacherous sneaks.“

It had taken two years of repeated discouragements and failures to bring this lesson home to him, but now he understood it. He had finally seen the fallacy underlying the conservative premise. In his own words:

Although it is made to appear so, the battle between the conservatives and liberals is not a battle of ideas or even of Political organizations. It is a battle of terror, and power. The Jews and their accomplices and dupes are not running our country and its people because of the excellence of their ideas or the merit of their work or the genuine majority of people behind them. They are in power in spite of the lack of these things, and only because they have driven their way into power by daring minority tactics. They can stay in power only because people are afraid to oppose them-afraid they will be socially ostracized, afraid they will be smeared in the press, afraid they will lose their jobs, afraid they will not be able to run their businesses, afraid they will lose political offices. It is fear and fear alone, which keeps these filthy left-wing sneaks in power-not ignorance on the part of the American people, as the conservatives keep telling each other.

Beyond this however, he was coming to an even more fundamental conclusion: Not only were conservatives wrong in their evaluation of the nature of the conflict between themselves and liberals and wrong in their choice of tactics, but their motives were also wrong; at least, he was beginning to see that their motives differed fundamentally from his own. Basically, the conservatives are aracial. Their primary concerns are economic: taxes, government spending, fiscal responsibility; and social: law and order, honest government, morality. At worst, their sole interest is the protection of their standard of living from the encroachments of the welfare state; at best, they are genuinely concerned about the general decay of standards and the trend toward mobocracy and chaos. But, as a whole, they show very little concern for the biological problem of which all these other problems are only manifestations.

Certainly the right wing was preferable to the left wing in this respect. At least conservatives tended to have a healthy anti-Semitic instinct. But as long as their inner orientation was economic-materialistic rather than racial-idealistic, they would remain primarily interested in the defense of a system rather than a race, they would continue to look for easy and superficial solutions rather than fundamental ones, and they would continue to lack that spirit of selfless idealism essential to ultimate victory. Thus, as the year 1956 drew to a close, Rockwell was certain of one thing: Conservatives would never, by any stretch of the imagination, be able to offer any effective opposition to the forces of degeneration and death. As he wrote later, anyone, when he first discovers what is going on, might be forgiven a certain period of nourishing the delusion and hope that there is a safe, easy, and „nice“ solution to the problem. But to pursue the same fruitless tactics year after year is evidence of something else: Conservatives are the world’s champion ostriches, muttering to each other down under the sand „in secret“, while their plumed bottoms wave in the breeze for the Jews to kick at their leisure. They are fooling nobody but themselves.

The answer would have to be found elsewhere-but where, how?

The years 1957 and 1958 were difficult ones. As a representative of a New York management-consultant firm, he spent most of 1957 traveling in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, writing and consolidating his thoughts whenever he could find time. The winter of 1957-58 saw a brief interlude in Atlanta, where he sold advertising.

During this period, Rockwell had an experience about which he has never written and which he related to only a few people. Always a skeptic where the supernatural was concerned, he was certainly not a man to be easily influenced by omens. Yet there can be no doubt that he attached special significance to a series of dreams that he had then. The dreams – actually all variations of a single dream – occurred nearly every night for a period of several weeks and were of such intensity that he could recall them vividly upon waking. In each dream he saw himself in some everyday situation: sitting in a crowded theater, eating at a counter in a diner, walking through the busy lobby of an office building, or inspecting the airplanes of his squadron at an airfield hangar.

And in each dream a man would approach him-theater usher, diner cook, office clerk, or mechanic – – and say something to the effect, „Mr, Rockwell, there is someone to see you.“ And then he would be led off to some back room or side office in the building or hangar, as the case may have been. He would open the door and find waiting for him inside, always alone – -Adolf Hitler. Then the dream would end.

One can most easily interpret these dreams as a case of autosuggestion, but in the light of later developments Rockwell considered them as a symbolic summons, a beckoning onto the path for which he was then still groping, whether that beckoning was the consequence of an internal or an external stimulus.

Early in 1958 he returned to Virginia. His first effort there was in Newport News, where he produced political cartoons in collaboration with the publisher of a small racist magazine which shortly went bankrupt. In Newport News, however, he met a man who was to play a critical role in changing the course of his political career: Harold N. Arrowsmith, Jr.

Arrowsmith was a wealthy conservative with a „pet“ project – but he was not like any other wealthy conservative Rockwell had met. Independently wealthy as the result of an inheritance, he had formerly been a physical anthropologist. He had stumbled into politics rather by accident when a friend on the research staff of a Congressional investigating committee had asked him for some help with some library research connected with a case under investigation. In the course of this work he had, to his surprise, come upon some of the documentary material that had so startled Rockwell a few years earlier in San Diego.

Being a trained scholar, a linguist with a dozen languages at his disposal, having access to all the major libraries and archives of the Western world-and with unlimited time and money – he was able to follow up his initial discoveries and soon had unearthed literally thousands of items of evidence. The story they told was a shocking and frightening one: world wars and revolutions, famines and massacres-not the caprices of history, but the results of deliberate and cold-blooded scheming.

Although he had filing cabinets bulging with military intelligence reports, court records, photostats of diplomatic correspondence, and other material, he had not been able to publicize any of his finds. Scholarly journals returned his carefully written and documented papers with rejection slips, and it soon became apparent that no publisher of general periodicals would accept them either. He approached Rockwell with the proposition of printing, publishing, and distributing some of his documentary material, with full financial backing.

They formed the „National Committee to Free America from Jewish Domination,“ and Rockwell moved to Arlington, Virginia, where Arrowsmith provided him with a house and printing equipment.

Rockwell had already reached the conclusion that if any progress were to be made, it was necessary to break out of the right-wing milieu into fresh territory. Right-wingers had been exchanging and reading one another’s pamphlets for years, with no noticeable results. They always used the same mailing lists and sent their propaganda to people who, for the most part, had already heard at least a dozen variations on the same theme. What was needed was mass publicity, so that some fresh blood could be attracted into the Movement.

As the normal channels of mass propaganda were closed to most right-wingers-and certainly to anyone whose propaganda might prove distressing to Jews-Rockwell had decided that radical means must be used to force open those channels. He placed this objective before all others. For, he reasoned, if one is to mobilize men into an organization – secret or otherwise – for the purpose of gaining political power, one must first let those men know of one’s existence and communicate to them at least a bare outline of one’s program. Until a mass of new raw material – potential recruits – could be stirred up by making a really significant impact on the public consciousness, there was simply no sense in proceeding further; he had already spent too much time doing things the old way. He was, in fact, prepared to take the next-to-last step in his progress from just another goy to the heir to Adolf Hitler’s mighty legacy. He decided on public agitation of the most provocative sort-agitation of such a blatant and revolutionary sort that the mass media could not ignore it.

In May, 1958, Eisenhower had sent U.S. marines to Lebanon to help maintain the government of President Chamoun in power, against the wishes of the Arab citizens of that country. The Lebanese Arabs desired closer cooperation with the other Arab states, but Chamoun, much to the pleasure of the Jews, did not. The threat of the overthrow of Chamoun and of a pro-Arab government coming into power in Lebanon, thus adding another member to the Arab bloc opposing the illegal Jewish occupation of Palestine, led U.S. Jews to press the course of U.S. intervention upon Eisenhower, always their willing tool. The issue was much in the public eye during the summer of 1958, and Rockwell decided to use it as the basis of his first public demonstration-a picket of the White House. Calling on many of the contacts he had made around the country during the past few years, he was able to arrange for a busload of young demonstrators to come to Washington and also to organize protest groups in both Atlanta, Georgia, and Louisville, Kentucky.

Then on Sunday morning, July 29, 1958, Rockwell led his group of pickets to the White House, while the groups in Atlanta and Louisville began their demonstrations simultaneously. Carrying large signs which Rockwell had designed and printed himself, these three groups made the first public protest against Jewish control of the U.S. government since the Jews had silenced their critics in 1941. It was indeed a momentous occasion: not yet an open National Socialist demonstration, but a vigorous slap in the face for the enemy-a slap which could not be ignored, as all the „secret“ right-wing activity had been for years.

Ten weeks later, on October 12, a synagogue in Atlanta was mysteriously blown up. Police immediately swooped on Rockwell’s men in Atlanta who had demonstrated in July. Newspapers around the world carried front-page stories implicating Rockwell and Arrowsmith in the bombing. Arrowsmith, who felt he was getting more involved in politics than was comfortable, retrieved his printing equipment and withdrew Rockwell’s financial support. For the first time, Rockwell began to get a taste of the difficult times which lay ahead. Hoodlums, instigated by the newspaper publicity, attacked his home. Windows were broken, and stones and firecrackers were thrown at his house late at night. Both by day and by night he and his wife received obscene and threatening telephone calls. Finally, for the sake of their safety, he felt obliged to send his family to Iceland.

With its financial backing gone, the „National Committee to Free America from Jewish Control“ was no more. The last of Rockwell’s conservative friends evaporated in the harsh glare of newspaper hate propaganda which was heaped upon him. As the new year, 1959, came in, he found himself alone in an empty house, without friends or money or prospects for the future. He had dared to seize the dragon by the tail and had survived. Yet, in the bleak, cold days of January and February, 1959, this gave him little comfort as he faced an uncertain and unpromising future.

… As I sat alone in that empty house or lay alone in that even emptier bed in the silent, hollow darkness, the full realization of what I was about bore in upon me with fearful urgency. I realized there was no turning back; as long as I lived I was marked with the stigma of anti-Jewishness… I could never again hope to earn a normal living. The Jews could not survive unless they made an example of me the rest of my life, else too many others might be tempted to follow my example. My Rubicon had been crossed, and it was fight and win-or die.

And then something happened which, in its way, was to be as decisive in his life as had been his finding Adolf Hitler’s message in Mein Kampf, eight years before, in San Diego. Again, it was like a guiding hand reaching to him from the twilight of the past – from a charred, rubble-filled bunker in Berlin – and showing him the way. Waiting for him at the post office one morning at the beginning of March was a large carton. In it, carefully folded, was a huge swastika banner, which had been sent by a young admirer.

Deeply moved, he carried the banner home and hung it across one end of his living room, completely covering the wall. He found a small, bronze plaque with a relief bust of Adolf Hitler, which had been given to him earlier, and mounted it in the center of the swastika. Then he found three candles and candle holders, which he placed on a small book-case he had arranged just below the bronze plaque. He closed the blinds and lit the candles:

I stood there in the flickering candlelight, not a sound in the house, not a soul near me or aware of what I was doing-or caring.

On that cold, March morning, alone before the dimly lit altar, Lincoln Rockwell underwent an experience of a sort shared by few men in the long history of our race – an experience which comes seldom to this world but which may radically alter the course of that world when it does. Nearly fifty-three years before, a similar experience had befallen a man – that time on a cold, November night, on a hilltop overlooking the Austrian town of Linz.

It was a religious experience that was more than religious. As he stood there he felt an indescribable torrent of emotions surging through his being, reaching higher and higher in a crescendo with a peak of unbearable intensity. He felt the awe-inspiring awareness for a few moments, or a few minutes, of being more than himself, of being in communion with that which is beyond description and beyond comprehension. Something with the cool, vast feeling of eternity and of infinity – of long ages spanning the birth and death of suns, and of immense, starry vistas-filled his soul to the bursting point. One may call that Something by different names-the Great Spirit, perhaps, or Destiny, or the Soul of the Universe, or God- but once it has brushed the soul of a man, that man can never again be wholly what he was before. It changes him spiritually in the same way that a mighty earthquake or a cataclysmic eruption, the subsidence of a continent or the bursting forth of a new mountain range, changes forever the face of the earth.

Slowly the storm subsided, and Lincoln Rockwell – a new Lincoln Rockwell – became aware once again of the room about him and of his own thoughts. He has described for us his feeling then:

… Where before I had wanted to fight the forces of tyranny and regression, now I HAD to fight them. But even more, I felt within me the power to prevail – strength beyond my own strength – the ability to do the right thing even when I was personally overwhelmed by events. And that strength has not yet failed me. Nor will it fail… I knew with calm certainty exactly what to do, and I knew, in a hard-to-explain sense, what was ahead. It was something like looking at a road from the air after seeing only the curve ahead from the ground… Hitler had shown the way to survival. It would be my task on this earth to carry his ideas… to total, world-wide victory. I knew I would not live to see the victory which I would make possible. But I would not die before I had made that victory certain.

And just as Adolf Hitler had said of his experience on the Freinberg, „In that hour it began,“ so in that hour it began for Lincoln Rockwell also. He did not realize it then, of course, but this climactic event had come almost exactly in the middle of his political life; he had run just half the course from that fall day in 1950, in the San Diego Public Library, to a martyr’s death in Arlington in the late summer of 1967.

Before, he had been a right-winger, a conservative, albeit a more and more openly anti-Jewish one; before, he had felt the need to keep his National Socialism concealed; before, while he had admired Adolf Hitler as the greatest thinker in the history of the race and Mein Kampf as the most important book ever written, they had not been wholly real to him-and this attitude had resulted in his failure so often to apply the Leader’s teachings to his own political efforts. Now, however, he was no longer a conservative, but a National Socialist, and he would bear witness for his faith before the whole world; now, at last, he recognized in Adolf Hitler not just an extraordinarily great mind and spirit, but something immortal, transcendental, more than human; now he saw the Leader as an embodiment, in a way, of that Universal Soul with which he had briefly communed; now he was prepared to follow the Leader’s teachings without reservation, in all things.

At the same time that these fundamental changes in his outlook took place, he saw the need for a fundamental change in his political tactics. He recalled the Leader’s words:

Any man who is not attacked in the Jewish newspapers, not slandered and vilified, is no true National Socialist. The best measure of the value of his will is the hostility he receives from the mortal enemy of our people. . .

Every Jewish slander and every Jewish lie is a scar of honor on the body of our warriors.

The man they have most reviled stands closest to us, and the man they hate worst is our best friend.

Anyone who picks up a Jewish newspaper in the morning and does not see himself slandered in it has not made profitable use of the previous day; for if he had, he would be persecuted, reviled, slandered, abused, befouled. And only the man who combats this mortal enemy of our nation and of all Aryan humanity and culture most effectively may expect to see the slanders of this race and the efforts of this people directed against him.

And further:

It makes no difference whatever whether they laugh at us or revile us, whether they represent us as clowns or criminals; the main thing is that they mention us, that they concern themselves with us again and again, and that we gradually appear to be the only power that anyone reckons with at the moment. What we really are and what we really want, we will show the Jewish journalistic rabble when the day comes.

Rockwell had already recognized the need for gaining mass publicity by radical means, but he had flinched at the thought of the slander and vilification, the mis-representation and ridicule which must inevitably accompany any publicity he received through the alien-dominated mass media. He had been living in the conservative dream world and had shared with other right-wingers the comfortable illusion that one can keep the enemy fooled – even make him think one is his friend – and fight him effectively at the same time.

Even as he gradually became more forthright in his statements with respect to the Jewish question, he retained the feeling that to speak out openly for Adolf Hitler’s National Socialist world view would be nothing short of suicide.

Thus he had fallen between two stools after his demonstration of July 29, 1958. He had been numbed by the virulence of the hatred unleashed against him, and at the same time found himself crippled by self-imposed limitations in his own campaign.

Now, however, he had decided that not only would he never again flinch under the torrent of abuse and slander which his activities were sure to bring down on him, but he would provoke such attacks by the enemy, looking upon each one as a „scar of honor“ and also as another small step toward his eventual general recognition as the opponent of everything the enemy stood for, as „the only power with which [that enemy] reckoned.“ And he saw that an open avowal of his National Socialism was not only the strongest irritant he could bring to bear against his enemy, but it was the only realistic basis for gathering around himself those elements of the population needed to build a viable and lasting movement with which eventually to destroy that enemy and restore his own race to the position of strength and health and honor from which it had abdicated.

Actually, he carried the Leader’s counsel about the use of the enemy’s own propaganda to its logical extreme. Looking at the task before him realistically for the first time, he saw that the problems he faced were so severe that, in order to make any progress against them, he would be obliged to concentrate all his energies upon one aspect of those problems at a time.

The first step was general recognition. His earlier conviction that that goal must be attained at the expense of every other consideration was now stronger than ever. Thus, instead of following the natural urge to dissociate National Socialism from the Hollywood image that Jewry had been building for it for more than three decades, he temporarily threw all hopes of „respectability“-even among other National Socialists-aside and set about turning to his own advantage all the Jews’ previous efforts.

Toward this end he deliberately pinned on himself the label „Nazi,“ rather than „National Socialist,“ using this bit of journalistic jargon which had been coined by the enemy during the early days of struggle in Germany, a term looked upon by National Socialists with about the same feeling that convinced Marxists must look upon the designation „commie,“ or „pinko.“ Behind this step-one which was to cause much misunderstanding and suspicion in days to come-was the cold-blooded realization that a strutting, shouting uniform-wearing, Hollywood-style „Nazi“ was vastly more newsworthy, had vastly more „shock value,“ than any mere National Socialist.

As he pondered over his soul-stirring experience and began to lay new plans for the future during the next few days, events began flowing in the new channel marked out for them by the finger of Destiny. Three men, a right-wing acquaintance and two other men who were strangers to Rockwell, dropped in to see him one evening. Initially shocked and repelled by the swastika banner in his living room, they were soon won over by his passionate exposition of the new cause. Two of the three remained to become his first disciples.

Then he opened the blinds on his windows, making his swastika banner visible from the street. He issued swastika armbands to his two recruits, and the three of them swaggered about the house wearing holstered pistols. Later he mounted an illuminated swastika on the roof.

The crowds came to laugh and jeer and throw rocks-but a few remained to listen. His „stormtroopers“ grew in number from two, to four, to ten.

These March days in 1959, which witnessed the first genuine rebirth of National Socialist activity after nearly fourteen years of terror and total suppression, marked the beginning of the stormiest and most difficult times Rockwell faced. Harassed by the police with illegal searches and confiscation of his property and materials, assaulted by thugs and vandals whom the police made no efforts to apprehend, he and his small group of followers printed and distributed tens of thousands of leaflets and talked to throngs of curious and hostile visitors who came to see the „American Fuehrer,“ as the newspapers laughingly called him. He first chose the name „American Party“ for his embryonic organization, but soon changed the name to „American Nazi Party.“

Keeping his initial objective foremost in his mind, he concentrated the activities of his small group primarily on the distribution of inflammatory leaflets, on creating public incidents, on haranguing crowds under circumstances especially chosen to provoke violent opposition – anything and everything, in other words, to gain mass publicity, to become generally recognized as the opponent of the Jews and everything they represented, from Marxism to unprincipled capitalism, from racial degeneration to cultural Bolshevism.

His first soapbox-style public address was delivered on the Mall, in Washington, on Sunday, April 3, 1960, and became a regular occurrence for some time thereafter.

A letter he wrote to his mother during this early period of public speaking gives an idea of a few of the difficulties he faced:

7 July, 1960

Dear Mother:

Thank you for the letter and the help. It is much appreciated… Don’t pay too much attention to what the papers say, Mother they lie unbelievably. Last week they tried to murder us again on the Mall here and almost killed Major Morgan, whom you met, when they dragged him out-ten of them-and stomped him and left him for dead. But we prevailed, and even though the police, much against their will, were forced to arrest us for „disorderly conduct“ (for being attacked by a murderous mob!), the people are with us. This sort of thing is inevitable, and it will get worse. Now they have tried-yesterday – to have me heaved in an insane asylum to shut me up, but they were surprised, as I was relieved, when people rushed forward to offer the huge cash bond they set for me and I will have a psychiatrist of my own choosing deliver a report, instead of the two Jews they planned for me. Do not worry about all this. It is dangerous, painful, and bitter when our own people do not understand what we are doing and suffering for them, but I am sure that the Lord will not permit liars and villains to win in the end. You will yet be mighty proud…



In May, 1960, the National Socialist Bulletin made its appearance as the first periodical published by the American Nazi Party. It evolved in to the Stormtrooper magazine after eight issues. Meanwhile, on February 5, 1960, the United States Navy, under pressure from Jewish groups, forced Rockwell to accept a discharge from the Naval Reserve.

Despite the news quarantine imposed on him, despite beatings and jailings, despite a chronic lack of funds, despite serious personnel problems, and despite a thousand other troubles and difficulties, his campaign to gain public recognition made steady progress. Newspapers found it impossible to completely avoid mentioning his brash and daring exploits; editors and columnists found irresistible the temptation to denounce or „expose“ him. Even radio and television emcees, ever on the prowl for sensation, yielded to temptation and defied the ban on publicity for Rockwell.

The image of George Lincoln Rockwell and the America Nazi Party created by the mass media for public consumption was, of course, a grossly distorted one. Rockwell had succeeded in forcing the media, more or less against their will, to give him publicity. Unfortunately, he could not force them to be impartial in their treatment, or even to be truthful, An interview with him published in the popular magazine, Playboy, was prefaced with such editorial remarks as: „Unlike controversial past interviewees Rockwell could not be called a spokesman for any socially or politically significant minority. But we felt that the very virulence of Rockwell’s messianic master-racism could transform a really searching conversation with the 48-year-old Fuhrer into a revealing portrait of both rampant racism and the pathology of fascism.“

Another commented: „The question of George Lincoln Rockwell boils down, then, to the question of how far can America let the hate-mongers go. Will an unsound branch on the tree of American democracy fall off or will it poison the organism?“

The really ambitious writers, editors, and reporters did not restrict themselves to such mildly prejudicial remarks but vied with one another in concocting outrageous lies about Rockwell. He was accused of cowardice, sadism, selfish gormandizing, kidnaping: „Like the late Adolf Schickelgruber, on whom he models himself, he believes in leading from behind-as far behind as possible.“ In one magazine, he was „quoted“ as boasting that he had once castrated a heckler with his bare hands,“ and another reported: „George Rockwell’s hysterical raving has already whipped up the lunatic fringe to the breaking point. Last summer three of his stormtroopers decided to please the Fuehrer by kidnaping a small Jewish child in Washington, D.C., and holding him at the Party Headquarters for several hours. How many more innocent citizens will be subjected to harassment before Robert F. Kennedy and the Justice Department move in?“

Topping them all was the story that „Like a true Nazi top dog, he avails himself of top-dog privileges and orders private meals served in his room. He partakes of such fancy fare as turtle soup, lobster, and steak while the men eat hash. Between meals he enjoys sucking kumquats.“ This last flight of fancy is reminiscent of articles published in the German press (before – 1933) which portrayed Adolf Hitler as a drunken profligate (Hitler only drank once in his entire life: the night of his High School Graduation) and lecher who dissipated the contributions of his followers in high living, champagne parties, and whoring.

Rockwell accepted these lies and slanders philosophically, for the alternative to this Jew-designed public image even was no public image at all. As a matter of fact, the Jews-and non-Jewish publicists anxious to demonstrate their affection for the Jews-cannot be given all the blame for this poor image. Rockwell himself lent a conscious hand to its creation, as he admitted when he said, „… When I have the rare opportunity to use some mass medium, as was recently the case when I gave an interview to Playboy, I am forced to walk a careful line between what I should like to say and what the enemy would like to hear me say. Unless I deliberately sound at least halfway like a raving illiterate with three loose screws, such an interview would never be printed.“

The price he paid for becoming generally recognized as „Mr. Nazi“ was a high one indeed. Other men with sound racial instincts but without Rockwell’s understanding of political realities were, naturally enough, appalled by what seemed to be Rockwell’s ridiculous antics. Most people, even relatively sophisticated ones who talk knowingly about „managed news,“simply find incomprehensible the Jewish Big Lie technique.

These sound but simple citizens all too often jumped to the not-implausible conclusion that Rockwell was a kind of agent provocateur, a traitor hired by the enemy to discredit honest racists and patriots. His correspondence.with some of them displays a mixture of impatience with their inability to perceive the essence of the real problems facing our race, and a sincere desire to evoke understanding. The following extracts from a letter to a member of a snobbish racist group calling itself the „European Liberation Front“ are typical:

Dear Mr… :

I realize that I am only a stupid, silly American, but I do love this country, in spite of your denunciation of it. What you hate about it is what the Jews have done to it, and you are like a man who permits his wife to be debauched by rapists and then tosses her in the garbage can for it. Shame on you! „American“ influence on Europe is not American at all, and you damned sure should know it. The real American influence was Henry Ford, our West, and the like.

Europe is a tired old man-more like a tired old lady – and if Western culture is to be saved, it will be saved by the last Western barbarians, the American barbarians I love. Men like you, suave, polished, educated, supercilious, and „above“ nasty physical violence, cannot save themselves, let alone a nation, a culture, or a race. You people with your „European Liberation Front“ are going at it backwards. You can’t liberate Europe any more with Europeans. Hitler gave that effort every bit of holy genius within him, and he was mashed by the American barbarians. You and your egghead gang of dandies are in love with what is gone and insist on ignoring what is here. Rome is no more. You keep trying to resurrect it, and you can’t, because there are no more noble Romans over there, at least not enough to make a real fight of it, Europe is like one big France – -all empty shell, fine words, pretty songs, and dead men. We helped kill Europe. If you did liberate it, like France was „liberated,“ it would sink into degeneracy again in a century..

There are, of course, good, vigorous fighting men in Europe, but they are swamped by the human garbage left in the wreckage of two wars promoted by Jews and fought by Americans. I am building National Socialism here, by such expedients and methods as may be possible, and I am succeeding, in spite of your looking down your nose at me. . .

Whenever I can get some or the other of you to ditch the „We’re-the-real-National Socialists“ game and start being National Socialists, I give strength to the cause to which I have given my life, my family, my comfort, and everything else I have to give, no matter what you may have been told…

Frankness, not diplomacy, was his strong point.

In order to allay hostility and suspicion as much as he could, he was soon obliged to divert some of his energies from agitation and publicity garnering to a more sober exposition of his ideas. His first major effort in that direction was the publication of his political autobiography, This Time the World. Written hastily in the fall of 1960 between speaking engagements, court appearances, street brawls, and desperate attempts to raise money to sustain his small group, he was not able to publish it until a year later. The printing and binding of the book were done entirely by his untrained stormtroopers, and their only machinery was a tiny, office-style duplicator. The absolute sincerity of its tone failed to convince few of its readers, but the difficulties of distribution, due to the Jewish „quarantine,“ limited its circulation to a few thousand copies.

In October, 1961, the first of his Rockwell Reports appeared. Varying in length from four to thirty-six pages, the Rockwell Report appeared semi-monthly at first, then monthly, occasionally lapsing into bi-monthly publication during particularly difficult periods. The Rockwell Reports contained a lively mixture of National Socialist ideology, current political analysis, prognostication, political cartoons and drawings, reproductions of pertinent news clippings, and photographs of Party activities. They all bore his unique stamp and, more than any other one thing, were responsible for drawing to him the idealistic young men who formed the cadre of the growing movement.

From the beginning, Rockwell had understood the necessity for the National Socialist movement eventually to operate from a worldwide basis. For the ultimate political goal of the Movement was the establishment of an Aryan world order, a pax Aryana, as a prerequisite for the attainment of the long-term racial goals of the Movement. From the spring of 1959, this concept had existed on paper as the „World Union of Free-Enterprise National Socialists,“ but until the summer of 1962 it was not implemented beyond an exchange of letters with individual National Socialists in Europe. In early August, 1962, Rockwell met with National Socialist representatives from four other nations in the Cotswold Hills, near Cotswold, England, and the World Union of National Socialists formally came into existence. On the fifth of August the protocol now known as the Cotswold Agreements was drawn up, pledging the National Socialist movements of the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany (including Austria), and Belgium to a common effort. Annual meetings of the World Union of National Socialists were originally envisaged, but Fate and circumstances prevented this. Rockwell was under increasing pressure in America during the next five years, as the situation there grew steadily more turbulent.

Rockwell’s original program was divided into three phases. The first phase, beginning in March, 1959, was to be a phase of provocative but essentially non-constructive activity, intended to generate publicity and build a public image, no matter how distorted. The second phase was to be a cadre-building phase, during which a strong, disciplined, effective, professional National Socialist organization was to be built and capabilities in propaganda and organizing developed to a high degree. The third phase was to be one of mass organization.

Phase one was masterfully executed. Rockwell proved himself an outstanding tactician in the rough-and-tumble game of smashing through the Jewish blackout barrier. With cool objectivity, he watched the press heap bucket after bucket of lies and filth on his image, provoking them to renewed activity whenever they tired. With keen insight he analyzed the Jewish situation. He understood that though they occupied the key positions of control in the public-opinion-forming networks, they were constrained to a large extent by the fact that that control must remain hidden from the public.

Furthermore, he understood the fact that a very substantial portion of the reporters, editors, columnists, newscasters, and even many individual newspaper and broadcast-station owners are not Jews, and, barring direct and categorical orders to the contrary from the key Jews, these people can be counted upon to react in a more-or-less predictable way to a given stimulus. Thus, by taking a position and making statements which seemed extreme and even ridiculous to the „average citizen,“ he could entice publicists to quote him widely, thinking thus to discredit both the man and the philosophy with these average citizens. What they failed to understand was that before the Movement could profit from any mass appeal, it had to appeal to a large number of very un-average citizens – fearless idealists who could form the National Socialist cadre.

And these men responded in a very different way to Rockwell’s message than did the liberal publicists or their average audience. They saw beyond the superficial „ridiculousness“ of his message to the kernel of deep truth that it contained. While the average citizen, incapable of thinking beyond the immediate problems of the day, found Rockwell’s message „too extreme,“ just as the publicists intended, those who could extrapolate in their minds the developments of the present to the consequences of tomorrow-and of a century hence-saw the compelling necessity of his demands. But such men are rather sparsely distributed throughout the population, and to reach them Rockwell needed to cast his net very wide; this the publicists helped him do while they thought to smear him. Rockwell also understood that the image of him being erected in the minds of the masses, while a liability now, had a value for the future, when conditions had ripened so that at least some of those masses were ready for an „extremist.“

Phase two – cadre building and organizational development – in a sense was co-extant with phase one, for from the very beginning Rockwell’s publicity began to attract a few of the idealists needed for phase two, and these men began to constitute the skeleton of the organizational structure which was later to be filled out. Even a bit of phase three entered the picture during the first phase, when Rockwell conducted a campaign to become governor of the state of Virginia in 1965.

This election campaign proved to be a period of extremely valuable training not only for Rockwell but for the leadership personnel of his entire Party. Realizing the eventual need to develop proficiency at mass campaigning, Rockwell decided to begin acquiring experience in that direction soon rather than late. As he later admitted, after winning less than 1.5% of the votes cast, the campaign also provided a more fundamental lesson and helped him to realistically re-evaluate the entire status of the Movement. Before, he had taken overly optimistic view that the Movement would begin to pick up substantial mass following as soon as it had gained sufficient publicity through his phase-one activities; that is, he believed that phases two and three would be largely concurrent.

After the Virginia campaign, having been reminded once again of the stupendous inertia of public opinion, he realized that phase two would be much longer than originally anticipated, and that the beginning of any substantial success from phase-three activity would have to await two things: a considerable internal strengthening of the Movement and a considerable worsening of the general racial-social-economic situation.

With this first thing in mind, he made the decision in 1966 to inaugurate a general activity. As mentioned before, the first two phases of Party activity overlapped to a large extent, and the transition between the two was marked primarily by a shift of emphasis. Phase one was the „Nazi“ era of the Movement. Phase two is the beginning of the National Socialist era. In line with this re-emphasis, the American Nazi Party officially became the National Socialist White People’s Party on January 1, 1967, and that date can reasonably be considered to mark the transition. Six months earlier, the appearance of National Socialist World was a major step in this direction. And six months after that date – in June, 1967 – a historic re-organizational conference of the Party leadership was held in Arlington. There Rockwell set the Movement on its new course, explaining the need for a total professionalization of every activity, from fund raising to propaganda writing, in order to meet the severe demands to be expected during the long period of growth and struggle ahead.

He was now forty-nine years old. For the past eight years he had been working an average sixteen hours a day, seven days a week. The strain on his physical and spiritual resources had been severe. Usually he was obliged to concentrate on the several tasks simultaneously. There was always a demonstration to be planned, a speech to be prepared, propaganda to be written, a court case to be fought, money to be raised, and everything to be done under nearly impossible working conditions, with incessant interruptions. Only the immense vitality of his rugged, six-foot-four-inch frame and a deep reserve of spiritual strength had sustained him in the past.

The course that lay ahead would certainly be no easier; on the contrary, in addition to the old tasks connected with agitation and publicity, there would be many new problems to be faced as the Movement continued into its new phase of activity.

Other men – strong men – might have yielded to the temptation to remain with a prescription to which they had become accustomed and not venture from a beaten path into strange and difficult territory. The slightest trace of subjectivity would allow them to ring forth a hundred reasons for not changing a modus operandi which they had found successful in the past. And yet it was characteristic of Rockwell that he did not hesitate for an instant. When he saw that the time had come for the Movement to change its tactics and accept a different set of challenges, he set himself to the new task with the same determination that he had shown throughout the first phase.

Now it was necessary to build up a whole new public image for the Party, or, rather, gradually to transform the grossly distorted image he had induced the enemy to build for him to one closer to the truth. It was a demanding task, and he spent the summer of 1967 in laying plans for the future and in finishing his new book, White Power.

In one of his last letters, written in August to two faithful Party comrades, man and wife, he reveals a little of the introspection which occupied his mind at this decisive time:


By no means do I get the solid feeling that [you] are clear in your own minds on what has been done, what should be done now, and what might be done (or not done) in the future. For this reason, after much of my favorite recent hobby – tossing and turning – I have arisen as dawn is creeping over this benighted city to set forth on paper some thoughts which might help.(And often I find that such efforts to help others, help me in the process.) There is no plan or overall approach in this letter; it’s just jewels, pearls, and clinkers from a mind which seems to be in a state of near-collapse and rebellion. First let me present an insoluble problem within me. Doing my best to learn from history, I am aware of a fact of all great struggles. There have been millions of causes, battles, and so on, almost all of them lost. History rarely records the losers, except when they get hacked up in a particularly interesting and dramatic manner. But there are some winners, who do get recorded in history and I have examined these pretty carefully (wishing someday to join their exalted ranks) to see if there is any common pattern to their activity on this planet which might be a key to why they won, when almost everybody loses. There is absolutely no doubt about it; there is such a pattern, even though the causes and struggles vary in content or aim from Lenin’s Bolshevism to Adolf Hitler’s National Socialism, from a little old lady set on running her neighbor out of town to Genghis Khan and his human hamburger machine. The winners in every case have been more determined, more fanatical in their ruthless refusal to quit, than their competitors. This would seem to indicate that victory is given to him who is most persevering. But this has not been true, either. History abounds with persevering nuts who have repeatedly hopped off hills and buildings wearing „wings“ and just as repeatedly landed on their behinds until there was nothing left…

The conclusion I reach from all this is that it takes three things to make a winner: a good cause, i.e., a cause which is in time, in phase, and needed; a leader who is unshakeable in his determination to fight as long as he has a couple of stumps for legs and who can inspire that same will in his troops; and some plain good luck. As I examine my own cause, leadership, and luck, I find that it is absolutely impossible for me to make a detached judgment on whether I am one of the fanatics hopping off a hill with a pair of Woolworth, glue-and-feathers wings, or whether I am one of the guys who gets modeled into stone images for the benefit of pigeons. … I do not think either of you knows the answer to that one, either. However, I have the advantage over both of you in that I long, long ago made up my mind that the best thing I can do with my life – what’s left of it – is to take aim, do my best to control the inevitable shaking, and never take my eye and heart off the target until it goes down…

ON THE 25th OF AUGUST, 1967, a Friday, at two minutes before noon, near his Arlington headquarters, an assassin’s bullet struck him down.

The murderer, a man whom Rockwell had expelled from the Party a few months earlier for his repeated attempts to inject Marxist ideas subtly into Party publications and for publicly expounding a doctrine of racial Bolshevism, had lain in ambush atop a nearby building and fired into Rockwell’s car as it drove by. Ironically, Rockwell had rescued this puffed-up little Bolshevik from the gutters of New York City eight years before, and he had taken an almost fatherly interest in him ever since. He had never given up his repeated attempts to instill a little decency and sense of honor into him, despite overwhelming evidence that the man was a compulsive liar and thief and an incurable conspirator. All his well-meant efforts in this direction were rewarded only with heartache after heartache over the years – and finally with death, when the vicious little punk he thought he could make into a man found a chance to „get even“ for being expelled from the Party.

Following a denial by the United States government of Commander Rockwell’s right to burial in a national cemetery, his Party comrades had his body cremated, and a National Socialist memorial service was held in Arlington on the afternoon of August 30. His eulogy was short but moving.

National Socialist comrades! Fellow White Americans! Today we take upon ourselves the sorrowful task of laying to rest the mortal remains of our beloved Commander, Lincoln Rockwell, martyred by the bullet of a cowardly assassin. To those of us who worked with him every day, to those Party comrades all over America, and to dedicated National Socialists throughout the world the staggering loss imposed by his death will only be fully felt in the days and years of struggle which lie ahead of us all. His inspiration and his will, the depth of his wisdom and the heroism of his spirit-these are the things which gave us the motivation and the guidance we sorely needed to keep up the fight on so many dark days in years past.

The stunning suddenness of his departure and the ensuing turmoil of the last few days have kept us from yet assessing the magnitude of our loss. But even harder to bear than this, perhaps, has been utterly shabby-the despicably shameful-treatment of our fallen Commander by a government of the nation he served so faithfully throughout all the years of his manhood. George Lincoln Rockwell gave his life in the struggle against Bolshevism at a time when thousands of other American fighting men on the other side of the world are also falling victims to that same Bolshevism – and yet an American government has denied his request to be laid to rest in the place of his choice.

George Lincoln Rockwell served America for twenty years and through two wars, risking his life again and again in defense of the land and the people he loved so well. He was no armchair soldier, but he chose of his own will that soldierly profession demanding the very highest order of courage and skill: he was a fighter pilot. His dedication to duty, his daring, his proficiency led him from the rank of Seaman to that of full Commander, gave him the leadership of three squadrons, and earned him nine decorations. And an American government does not hold him fit to be buried beside his fellow fighting men.

George Lincoln Rockwell has sacrificed more and fought harder for the things he held dear-his native land, his fellow countrymen, and above all his race-than any man now living. He saw his duty and unflinchingly did it, even when that duty led him into opposition to nearly all those around him. He saw further than other men, and he fought harder. Indeed, in this latter regard he cherished the maxim of the great Leader whose philosophy moulded his own thoughts: Those who want to live, let them fight; and those who do not want to fight in this world of eternal struggle do not deserve to live.

He fought, and he died. And yet Lincoln Rockwell is not really dead, for he built a Movement and he spread an idea, and that Movement was not destroyed nor that idea silenced by the bullet that struck him down. And so long as that Movement remains and that idea continues to fill the hearts and minds of men, the spirit of Lincoln Rockwell lives on.

The ashes of the martyr lie here before us, and we cannot help but be filled with a solemn sense of tragedy. Yet we are not really here to mourn him, but to honor him and to rededicate ourselves to the Cause which he served. In the times ahead we must redouble our efforts, so that he will not have died in vain. We must let his great sacrifice serve to inspire us onward in our struggle toward victory-the victory of our people, of our great White race, over the disease which now afflicts it and the enemies who now oppress it. Indeed at this moment we must bear in mind that old saying which the Commander paraphrased for us: ‘The stones and mortar of our Movement are the bones and blood of its martyrs.’ It is this aspect of his death that he would now want us to keep uppermost in mind, forgetting our sorrow and filling ourselves with pride at the knowledge we followed such a leader.

For it was he, Lincoln Rockwell, who again picked up the torch which fell to earth twenty-two years ago. Adolf Hitler founded our great Movement and will forever fill a unique position in the saga of our race; but had it not been for Lincoln Rockwell, Adolf Hitler’s mighty work might well have been in vain. It was Lincoln Rockwell who set us once again on the upward path when we had faltered and wanted to go back again. It was his example which inspired us to do what we knew we should do rather than that which was easiest to do. It was his hand which led us out of the maze of defeat and degeneration and despair, and pointed the way toward higher things; and his voice which reminded us over and over again that we must continue the struggle for our race.

As we lay to rest the mortal remains of Lincoln Rockwell, it is appropriate to read once again that passage from the Leader’s book which he loved best. I shall read from chapter twelve of the first volume of the Commander’s personal copy of Mein Kampf:

When human hearts break and human souls despair, the great vanquishers of distress and care, of shame and misery, of spiritual slavery and physical duress look down upon them from the twilight of the past and hold out their eternal hands to faint-hearted mortals. Woe to the people that is ashamed to grasp them!

Deputy Führer Rudolf Hess – A Courageous Hero for Peace


by Mark R. Elsis
August 17, 2012

My coming to England in this way is, as I realize, so unusual that nobody will easily understand it. I was confronted by a very hard decision. I do not think I could have arrived at my final choice unless I had continually kept before my eyes the vision of an endless line of children’s coffins with weeping mothers behind them, both English and German, and another line of coffins of mothers with mourning children.”

~ Rudolf Hess (June 10, 1941)

I do not propose to argue about charges that are concerned with the internal affairs of Germany, with which foreigners have no right to interfere. I make no complaints about statements, the aim of which is to discredit and dishonor myself and the entire German people. I regard such statements coming from enemies as confirmations of our honor. It has been my privilege to serve for many years under the greatest son to whom my people have given birth in its thousand years of history. Even if it were possible for me to do so, I would never wish to wipe this period of service out of my life. It fills me with happiness to know that I did my duty toward my people. I regret nothing. Whatever men may do to me, the day will come when I will stand before the judgment seat of the Eternal: to Him I will give an account of my actions, and I know that He will pronounce me innocent.”

~ Last statement by Rudolf Hess to the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg (August 31, 1946)

Rudolf Walter Richard Hess, the eldest of four children, was born in Alexandria, Egypt on April 26, 1894. His father Fritz H. Hess, was from Wunsiedel in the Fichtelgebirge region of Germany and his mother Clara Hess, was of Greek origin. His father ran Hess & Co., a successful wholesaler and exporter. The Hess family lived quite well, in a big house with a beautiful garden on the Mediterranean coast. They also owned another home in Reicholdsgrün, in Bavaria, where they regularly spent their summer holidays. Rudolf Hess had an excellent education throughout these years in Egypt. In 1900, he was sent to the German school in Alexandria. This was enhanced with a couple of years of private tutoring. His Mother Clara taught him much about the ways of life and gave young Rudolf a love and wonderment for the constellations.

In 1908, the Hess family moved back to Germany. Rudolf now fourteen years old, is enrolled as a boarder at the Protestant School in Bad Godesberg. In 1911 under pressure from his father to carry on the family enterprise, Rudolf went to study business for a year at the Ecole Supérieure de Commerce, in Neuchâtel, Switzerland.

On July 28, 1914, World War I broke out in Europe. Soon after Rudolf enlisted in the 1st Bavarian Field Artillery Regiment. He become an infantryman, was wounded twice and was awarded the Iron Cross, second class. The severity of his second wound, a chest and lung wound, was enough to prevent his return to the front lines. So, Rudolf transferred and learned to fly at the Imperial Air Corps. He was a fighter pilot in 35th Jagdstaffel on the western front for the last couple months of the war. Rudolf Hess reached the rank of lieutenant.

In the summer of 1919 Hess first meets Professor Karl Ernst Haushofer and is impressed by him. That fall he enrolled in the University of Munich where he studied geopolitics, political science and history under Professor Haushofer. The Professor becomes both a mentor and good friend. The two families become close, with Rudolf and Haushofer’s son Albrecht developing a strong friendship.

In May of 1920, at a Munich rally, Rudolf Hess first hears Adolf Hitler give a speech. Hess is captivated right away with an admiration for Adolf Hitler that never leaves him. On July 1, 1920, Rudolf Hess became the sixteenth member that joined the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP).

Rudolf Hess spent much of his time and effort for the next several years organizing for the NSDAP locally in Bavaria. He introduced Hitler at many NSDAP rallies and functions. In the spring of 1921, he brought together Hitler and Professor Haushofer. Adolf Hitler found the geopolitical theories of Professor Haushofer intriguing and worthy. Hitler began interweaving more and more of his material into speeches. National Socialism started to grow quickly in Bavaria, and soon over all of Germany. On July 29, 1921, Adolf Hitler becomes leader of the NSDAP.

The Treaty of Versailles required Germany to accept responsibility for causing World War I. The total cost of the war reparations was assessed at 132 billion German Marks. In April 1921, England and France billed Germany for World War I. They demanded reparations of 33 Billion Dollars. Before the bill, 4 German Marks equaled 1 US Dollar.

In 1922, it was up to 400 Marks for 1 US Dollar. The German government pleaded for a deal. They asked for a reduction and postponement from the payments. It was refused. Germany decided to default on their payments. In 1923, it was 18,000 Marks for 1 US Dollar. In July 1923, it was 160,000, by August, 1,000,000. In September of 1923, the German government made the decision to resume making payments. It didn’t seem to matter, by November of 1923, it took 4,000,000,000 Marks for 1 US Dollar.

Most Germans lost all of their life savings. Their salaries were paid in a currency that soon became worthless. Prices were changing every day, soon it became every hour, and finally every minute. The daily grocery bill now cost billions of Marks. There was widespread hunger and riots broke out. In November of 1923, hyperinflation peaked. The time was surely ripe for a coup d’etat.

On September 26, 1923, Bavarian Prime Minister Eugen von Knilling declared a state of emergency. He appointed Gustav von Kahr the new state commissioner, with dictatorial governing powers. Together with Bavarian State Police head Colonel Hans Ritter von Seisser, and Reichswehr General Otto von Lossow, Kahr formed a triumvirate. Hitler announced that starting on September 27, 1923, he would be holding 14 mass meetings. One of Kahr’s first actions was to ban these meetings.

Adolf Hitler now knew that von Kahr sought to control him and was not ready to act against the government in Berlin. He found out that von Kahr was making a speech in front of about 3,000 people at Bürgerbräukeller, one of the largest beer halls in Munich. Hitler decided to take matters into his own hands. He felt the time was right for the NSDAP to make its move and take over Germany. He enlisted the help of World War I hero, General Erich Friedrich Wilhelm Ludendorf.

On November 8, 1923, the night of the Munich Putsch (also referred to as the Beer Hall Putsch), there were 55,000 members of the NSDAP. At 8:30 that evening, Rudolf Hess was with Hitler when they went into Bürgerbräukeller, which was already surrounded by a force of 600 Sturmabteilung (SA) under Hermann Göring. Hitler took the podium, interrupted the speech of von Kahr, and announced “The National Revolution has begun” “… The government of the November criminals and the Reich President are declared to be removed. A new national government will be named this very day in Munich. A new German National Army will be formed immediately. …The task of the provisional German National Government is to organize the march on that sinful Babel, Berlin, and save the German people! Tomorrow will find either a National Government in Germany or us dead”

I am going to fulfill the vow I made to myself five years ago when I was a blind cripple in the military hospital – to know neither rest nor peace until the November criminals had been overthrown, until on the ruins of the wretched Germany of today there should have arisen once more a Germany of power and greatness, of freedom and splendor.”

The crowd in the beer hall roared their approval and sang “Deutschland über Alles.” Hitler was excited. Was this turning into a night of conquest for him? Tomorrow he might actually be head of Germany. Hitler planned to use Munich as a base for a big march against Germany’s Weimar Republic government. But it was not to be.

In the early morning hours of November 9, 1923, Kahr and General Lossow broke their promise to Hitler and General Ludendorff. General Lossow ordered the Army into Munich to put down the uprising. Troops were rushed in and by dawn the War Ministry building containing Ernst Röhm and his SA troops were surrounded.

Hitler was up all night trying to decide what to do. General Ludendorff then gave him an idea. They would march into the middle of Munich and take it over. Because of his World War I fame, Ludendorff reasoned, no one would dare fire on him. He even assured Hitler the police and the Army would likely join them. Hitler went for the idea.

At 11am, a group of three thousand NSDAP, led by Hitler, Göring, Hess and Ludendorff marched toward the center of Munich. Carrying one of the flags was a young party member named Heinrich Himmler. They headed toward the War Ministry building but encountered a blockade of police. As they stood face to face with a hundred armed policemen, Hitler yelled out to them to surrender. They didn’t. Shots rang out. Both sides fired. It lasted about a minute. Sixteen NSDAP and three police were killed. Göring was hit in the groin. Hitler suffered a dislocated shoulder when the man he had locked arms with was shot and dragged Hitler down to the ground.

Adolf Hitler’s bodyguard from 1920 to 1923, Ulrich Graf, shielded Hitler with his body. He received several bullet wounds (he recovered), and possibly saved Hitler’s life. Hitler then got away into a waiting car. The rest of the NSDAP scattered or were arrested. General Ludendorff, true to his heroic form, walked right through the line of fire to the police, and was then arrested.

Hitler wound up at the home of his friends, the Hanfstaengls. He spent two nights in the attic. On the third night, police arrived and arrested him. He was taken to the prison at Landsberg where his spirits lifted somewhat after he was told he was going to get a public trial. With the monumental failure of the Munich Putsch, it now seemed certain that the political career of Adolf Hitler had come to an end.

Adolf Hitler was sentenced to five years, but yet somehow served only nine months. Rudolf Hess was sentenced to eighteen months, and served almost eight months. While they were together for seven months in Landsberg prison, Hess acted as Hitler’s private secretary. Most importantly, he transcribed and helped to edit Mein Kampf. Hess and Hitler were visited in prison at least eight times by Professor Haushofer, who always stayed with his pupil Rudolf the whole morning and afternoon. It was during this time Hitler told Hess it would take between seven and twelve years for the NSDAP to try again to form a new government for Germany. Adolf Hitler was correct; it would take just over eight years.

On January 2, 1925, Hess was released from prison (two weeks after Hitler). He then served for several years as the personal secretary for Hitler, without any official rank in the NSDAP. Rudolf Hess always kept flying after he became a pilot in World War I. He competed in many aerial races and helped the NSDAP when he flew banners and buzzed other rallies. After Charles Lindbergh completed the first solo nonstop flight across the Atlantic on May 20-21, 1927 (west to east), Hess wanted to be the first to solo across the Atlantic going from east to west. On December 20, 1927, Rudolf Hess married Ilse Pröhl, a 27-year-old from Hannover. They had one son, Wolf Rüdiger Hess (November 18, 1937 – October 24, 2001).

As a result of the failed Munich Putsch, the NSDAP and its affiliated organizations were banned in Bavaria. On January 4, 1925, in a meeting with Prime Minister of Bavaria, Heinrich Held, Hitler agreed to respect the authority of the state; he would only seek political power through the democratic process. The meeting paved the way for the ban on the NSDAP to be lifted. However, Hitler was barred from public speaking for two more years. Finally, in January of 1927, Saxony lifted this ban, and on March 5, 1927, the authorities in Bavaria conceded, and allowed Hitler to speak.

The continued success of Hilter’s book, Mein Kampf, helped the NSDAP once again grow and became a political force within Germany. Between September 1930 and March 1933 the NSDAP voting percentage went from 18.3% to 43.9%; total votes went from 6,409,600 to 17,277,180. Their Reichstag seats increased from 107 to 288.

In January 1932, as a reward for his now dozen years of loyal and dedicated service, Hitler appointed Hess: Chairman of the Central Political Commission of the NSDAP; and SS General. Rudolf Hess was given the prominence he most rightly deserved.

On January 30, 1933, after a 13-year struggle, Adolf Hitler was finally appointed as Chancellor of Germany. He soon transformed the Weimar Republic into the Third Reich. The world was in the middle of the Great Depression, including Germany, with an unemployment rate of almost 30%. On March 17, 1933, Hjalmar Schacht became president of the central bank, and in August 1934, became finance minister. Schacht kept interest rates at zero and government budget deficits high, with massive public works projects. Once unburdened of usury, the German economy started to take off (and not on the misconception of a war economy, that didn’t occur till the late 1930’s). Within three years the unemployment rate in German had fallen to under 5%, and the by the next year, 1937, there was a labor shortage. The German economic turnaround was soon the envy of the world. This kind of financial model could not be allowed.

… The elimination of unemployment in Germany during the Great Depression without inflation — and with initial reliance on essential civilian activities — was a signal accomplishment. It has rarely been praised and not much remarked. The notion that Hitler could do no good extends to his economics as it does, more plausibly, to all else.”

~ John Kenneth Galbrait

The International bankers, better than anyone, knew just how successful a system without usury would be. So, preemptively on March 24, 1933, they started World War II; with Judea Declares War on Germany – Jews of the World Unite in Action. Their aim was the total destruction of Germany. This barbaric strategy of annihilation was done as a lesson to any future government thinking of freeing its citizens of the evil usury.

The nation does not live for the sake of the economic system, and the economic system does not exist for the sake of capital. On the contrary, capital is the servant of the economic system and the economic system is the servant of the people.”

~ Adolf Hitler

The following is a short history of why every religion, but Judaism, was against usury. Central bank usury control caused the US Constitution (when we already had a much superior Articles of Confederation) to get their First Bank Of The United States in 1791. They were given a 20-year charter. When their 20-year charter was up in 1811, the Jeffersonian Democrats prevented its charter from being renewed. So the Rothschild bankers summoned their mercenaries (the British army and navy) to teach us a lesson, the War of 1812. We learned the lesson the hard way, and in 1816, they got their Second Bank Of The United States, again with a 20-year charter. When Andrew Jackson was elected in 1828, saying he would kill the bank, the bankers tried everything to stop him; they created the 1833 recession; had him censured in 1834; and a failed (both guns misfired) assassination attempt on January 30, 1835. It didn’t work, Jackson killed the bank in 1836, when their 20-year charter was not renewed. During the American Civil War, Abraham Lincoln created Greenbacks instead of the 24% to 36% usury the Wall Street bankers wanted to charge, and he was assassinated on Good Friday 1865. On December 23, 1913 the Rothschild bankers finally got their third central bank, the Federal Reserve Bank. The Federal Reserve Act of 1913 originally had a 20-year charter. But on February 25, 1927, the McFadden Pepper Act was signed into law. It made the Federal Reserve’s power over our monetary policy perpetual. Today, only an act of the US congress can dissolve the Federal Reserve Banks. On June 4, 1963, President John F. Kennedy created United States Treasury Notes, known as Silver Certificates, with Executive Order 11110, and he was assassinated on November 22, 1963. This assassination was 53 years to the day (November 22, 1910) of the meeting on Jekyll Island that created the Federal Reserve Bank. Jesus began his three and a half year ministry in Jerusalem by driving the corrupt moneychangers from the Temple. He also ended His ministry by attacking the same thieves. It was the only time that Jesus used force. Within a short while, Jesus Christ was nailed to a cross. So, when Adolf Hitler takes their banks, and created his own German currency, of course they declared war on him. They also created a worldwide boycott of all German goods. The goal was really quite simple; Germany had to be completely destroyed.

After visiting these two places (Berchtesgaden and the Eagle’s lair on Obersalzberg), you can easily understand how that within a few years Hitler will emerge from the hatred that surrounds him now as one of the most significant figures who ever lived. He had boundless ambitions for his country which rendered him a menace to the peace of the world, but he had a mystery about him in the way that he lived and in the manner of his death that will live and grow after him. He had in him the stuff of which legends are made.”

~ John F. Kennedy

On April 21, 1933, Adolf Hitler awards Deputy to the Führer to Rudolf Hess. This was a prestigious award; he was now officially one of a handful of leaders under Hitler. Rudolf was quite busy for the next eight years with his job as the Chairman of the Central Political Commission of the NSDAP. He was an intelligent and honorable ambassador who projected a wonderful image for both the Party and for Germany. With Germany having both the 1936 Winter Olympic Games in Garmisch-Partenkirchen and the 1936 Summer Olympic Games in Berlin (this is the last time the same country was host to both Olympics the same year), Hess became acquainted with many political leaders and royalty throughout Europe and the world. Those who worked for him (even those who were arrested after his flight for peace) thought he was thoroughly honest and represented Germany with courage, dignity and honor.

Rudolf Hess passionately introduces Hitler in, Triumph of the Will (Triumph des Willens); a film made by Leni Riefenstahl, released in 1935, and introduced many new cinematic achievements. It chronicles the September 5 to 10, 1934, NSDAP Congress in Nuremberg, which was attended by more than 700,000 supporters. The film contains parts of speeches by leaders, including Hitler, edited together with massed party members. Hitler commissioned the film and served as an executive producer; his name appears in the opening titles. The theme of the film is the return of Germany as a great power.

On June 18, 1935, The Anglo-German Naval Agreement (AGNA) allowed German tonnage to increase to 35% of that of the British navy. Hitler called the signing of the AGNA “the happiest day of his life”, as he believed the agreement marked the beginning of the Anglo-German alliance he had predicted in Mein Kampf. Peace with Britain.

On October 18, 1936, Hermann Göring was put in charge of the Four Year Plan. Göring had complete control over the economy, including the private sector. Hitler told Göring to have Germany prepared to defend herself within four years against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Hitler, who rarely ever wrote anything down, wrote the “Four-Year Plan Memorandum” personally. Doing this indicates that he had something exceptionally important to say. Hitler wrote: “Since the outbreak of the French Revolution, the world has been moving with ever increasing speed toward a new conflict, the most extreme solution of which is called Bolshevism, whose essence and aim, however, are solely the elimination of those strata of mankind which have hitherto provided the leadership and their replacement by worldwide Jewry. No state will be able to withdraw or even remain at a distance from this historical conflict. It is not the aim of this memorandum to prophesy the time when the untenable situation in Europe will become an open crisis. I only want, in these lines, to set down my conviction that this crisis cannot and will not fail to arrive and that it is Germany’s duty to secure her own existence by every means in face of this catastrophe, and to protect herself against it, and that from this compulsion there arises a series of conclusions relating to the most important tasks that our people have ever been set. For a victory of Bolshevism over Germany would not lead to a Versailles treaty, but to the final destruction, indeed the annihilation of the German people.” Adolf Hitler was prophetically correct with this analysis; it would later be called the Morgenthau plan.

On March 12, 1938, Hitler declared the unification (Anschluss) of Austria with Germany. Hundreds of thousands of Austrians turned out to welcome the Germans. Austria was still in the Depression, with very high unemployment. With help from Germany this problem was turned around, within two years there was full employment.

The Munich Agreement was signed in the early hours of September 30, 1938, (yet dated September 29). It allowed Germany to annex the Sudetenland. Ethnic Germans mainly inhabited this area of Czechoslovakia. The agreement was negotiated at a conference in Munich, Germany, and signed by Germany, Britain, France and Italy.

Rudolf Hess stated that German intelligence had learned airfields were being built inside Czechoslovakia. These airfields were to be used by the USSR for their fighters and bombers against Germany. To end this, on March 15, 1939, German troops entered into Czechoslovakia. Later that same day, Hitler was in Prague with his troops.

Under the Treaty of Versailles, Germany was forced to give up a few land areas to surrounding countries. One of these was Danzig, a port city on the Baltic Sea with a population of 408,000. The people of Danzig were overwhelmingly German, about 97%.

In 1937 Hitler asked Poland to give Germany a one-mile access to their province in East Prussia. Both parties agreed, then Poland suddenly broke off all negotiations. On October 6, 1938, the Hitler peace plan, based on a German victory in Poland, is rejected by Britain and France. On October 24, 1938, Germany started 10 months of peaceful negotiations with Poland, for the return of Danzig and a corridor for an Autobahn route and railroad, to go through western Poland to connect East Prussia with Germany.

“Poland wants war with Germany and Germany will not be able to avoid it even if she wants to.” (Polish Marshal Rydz-Smigly as reported in the Daily Mail, August 6th, 1939)

Ten months of negotiations in good faith went nowhere. This is because pressure from Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill and his warmongers was applied to Poland. They were not to give in to any German negotiations for Danzig. On March 31, 1939, Britain initiated the Anglo-Polish military alliance (joined by France), which guaranteed Poland’s defense. They created their pretext to start World War II. Now all they had to do was make sure Hitler would react.

In the months leading up to September 1, 1939, in dozens of incidents, thousands of German Nationals in the Danzig corridor were brutally murdered. Some claim the Polish Bolsheviks killed 58,000 German Nationals in the Danzig corridor. Whatever the true numbers are, one thing is for certain, Germany was deliberately being provoked to enter Danzig. What country would let these atrocities happen to their own people?

On September 1, 1939, Adolf Hitler announces his successors, Hermann Göring and Rudolf Hess. Hess is now officially the number three person in the Third Reich. For Hess this must have been the most esteemed honor that could ever be bestowed upon him. That Adolf Hitler thought he was responsible and capable of leading Germany.

On September 1, 1939, Germany invades Poland to liberate Dazing.

On September 2, 1939, Germany annexed the Free City of Danzig. Adolf Hitler advised Britain and France that he would withdraw, if allowed to keep Danzig and the corridor.

On September 3, 1939, Hitler received his answer back. Britain and France declared war on Germany for invading Poland (Danzig and the corridor). I do find it quite noteworthy to state, that World War II was started on the pretext to protect and keep Poland free. Yet on September 17, 1939, the USSR entered Poland from the east and war is not declared on them by Britain, nor by France. And at the end of the war, a thoroughly ravaged Poland was given to the USSR. This contradiction plainly shows to the world just how disingenuous and hollow the pretext was to start World War II.

This war thrusts us years back in our constructive work. It is deplorable. I have not indeed become the Chancellor of the Greater German Reich in order to conduct war!”

~ Adolf Hitler (1940)

On May 10, 1940, Sir Winston Churchill became Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. On May 11, 1940, Britain (Churchill) made a fateful decision in its approach to fighting World War II. That night, eighteen Whitley bombers attacked railway installations in the western German province of Westphalia, far from the war front. That forgotten bombing raid, which in itself was inconsequential, has been called “the first deliberate breach of the fundamental rule of civilized warfare that hostilities must only be waged against the enemy combatant forces” J. M. Spaight, who had been principal secretary of Britain’s Air Ministry, wrote later, in his book Bombing Vindicated (1944), that “it was we who started the strategic [i.e., civilian] bombing offensive” with the “splendid decision” of May 11, 1940. Churchill broke this fundamental rule that hostilities must only be waged against the enemy combatant forces within 24 hours of becoming Prime Minister. He kept doing these illegal, immoral, savage, terrorist air strikes on German civilians. Part of the British barbaric bombing strategy was apparently to provoke German attacks on Britain in order to stimulate support for war against Germany. Hitler didn’t retaliate. He did try to tell the world of this new terrorism on civilians.

The Battle of Dunkirk (also known thanks to Churchill’s spin, as the Miracle of Dunkirk) occurred from May 26 to June 4, 1940. On May 24th Hitler ordered the army to stop for three days. These three days gave the Allies time to organize an evacuation and helped them to build a defensive line. Some 338,000 Allied troops that were surrounded by German forces escaped. This was indeed an enormous gesture from Hitler that Germany wanted peace with Britain. On February 26, 1945, Hitler lamented that Churchill was “quite unable to appreciate the sporting spirit” in which he had refrained from annihilating the BEF [British Expeditionary Force] at Dunkirk.

On August 1, 1940, Adolf Hitler issued No. 17 Directive: On the conduct of air war against Britain, Hitler, specifically prohibited the Luftwaffe from conducting terror raids on its own initiative. The war against Britain is to be restricted to destructive attacks against industry and air force targets that have weak defensive forces. The most thorough study of the target concerned, that is vital points of the target, is a pre-requisite for success. It is also stressed that every effort should be made to avoid unnecessary loss of life amongst the civilian population. Hitler is still taking the high road by doing this, while Churchill is still terrorizing German civilians with air strikes.

Both Hitler and Hess wanted peace between Germany and Britain. They talked about this subject on many occasions over their twenty years together. In 1940 Hess initiated a Hitler endorsed peace plan between Germany and Britain through royalty and diplomatic channels in neutral Switzerland. These peace efforts with Britain failed.

Rudolf Hess soon thought of another way to try and bring a peace between Germany and Britain. He asked his friend, Wilhelm Emil “Willy” Messerschmitt for a plane to fly. Messerschmitt gave him a new Me 110. Rudolf trained with this plane out of Augsburg, till he knew it well. On May 4, 1941, Hess and Hitler talked for 30 minutes and Hess asked Hitler if he still wanted peace with Britain, Hitler said he did (this is the last time they were ever together). Hess was finally ready to fly for peace. He asked Messerschmitt for extra fuel tanks and a few other improvements to be installed on his Me 110. He ordered daily weather reports for his flight. He waited to coincide with a large air strike to piggyback on their signal for guidance. He ordered an expensive German aviator suit. He even made one false flight, flying for two hours till the weather suddenly worsened and he had to return. Hess spent a long time writing two letters to Adolf Hitler, one short and one fourteen pages, about his flight for peace.

On May 10, 1941, Rudolf Hess knew this was going to be the day of his flight, so he lovingly played with his son (Wolf Rüdiger Hess) for hours. He got dressed and ready and took a car to Ausburg airfield. Everything was a go for the flight. His Me 110 was unarmed. Ever since Hess received his plane, he never had it armed. Hess was on a mission of peace. He lifted off at 5:40pm on route to Scotland. His courageous flight for peace was under way.

This is a part of the letter Hess left behind for his wife and son: “My dear ones, I firmly believe that I shall return from the flight I am about to make and that the flight will be crowned with success. Should I not return, however, the goal I set myself was worth the supreme effort. I am sure you all know me: you know I could not have acted any other way. Your Rudolf”

At 10:08pm Hess’s Me 110 was picked up on Edinburgh (Scotland) radar. He was trying to find a place to land. He was looking for the estate of the Duke of Hamilton, when the radar lost him at 11:07pm just south of Glasglow. Hess’s flight was approximately 900 miles, he went north till he reached the North Sea, then went west towards Scotland. He navigated to within miles of the Duke’s residence. Hess parachuted out at about 6,000 feet, and his plane crashed. He injured his ankle on landing and was soon discovered. When found Hess said: “I have an important message for the Duke of Hamilton.” Hess and the Duke had met during the 1936 Olympics Games in Berlin. The police inventory indicated that Rudolf Hess was carrying a letter to HM King George VI.

Was Hitler concerned about these peace negotiations? He didn’t want a war on two fronts, and he wanted to order Operation Barbarossa (the invasion of the USSR) as early as possible, hopefully in mid May 1941. Operation Barbarossa did not commence until June 22, 1941. This five-week delay was a primary factor, along with the vastly underestimated USSR forces, which ultimately proved to be fatal. This was a tragic blunder for German Intelligence. On June 4, 1942, Hitler talks about this horrendous miscalculation, in the Hitler – Mannerheim conversation. The conversation was secretly recorded for 11 minutes. It is the only existing recording of Hitler in a normal voice.

On May 10, 1941, London received its heaviest German air attack (Blitzkrieg) ever. With 1,436 people killed and 12,000 made homeless. The Houses of Parliament was struck, The Commons debating chamber, the symbol of British democracy, was destroyed.

May 10, 1941, was also the day of the last major Blitzkrieg on Britain. The Hess flight for peace and the last major Blitzkrieg on Britain to occur on the same day is not a coincidence. Germany wanted peace with Britain.

The Hess flight for peace actually did bring peace. It brought peace from German air strikes on Britain, and soon thereafter Churchill inexplicably instructed Sir Charles Portal, Chief of the Air Staff, to greatly reduce the bombing attacks on Germany.

But when it came to Rudolf Hess, Winston Churchill had no qualms about illegally (he came to Britain in good will as an ambassador for peace, and / or for medical reasons) keeping him a prisoner of war in Britain for the next 53 months. “… I approved the War Office proposal to bring Hess to the Tower [of London] by tonight pending his place of confinement being prepared at Aldershot. His treatment will become less indulgent as time goes on. There need be no hurry about interviewing him, and I wish to be informed before any visitors are allowed. He is to be kept in the strictest seclusion, and those in charge of him should refrain from conversation. The public will not stand any pampering except for intelligence purposes with this notorious war criminal.” Prime Minister’s [Churchill] Personal Minute, May 16, 1941, Serial No. M550/1

On May 22, 1941, Churchill told the House of Commons that he was not yet in a position to make a statement regarding Rudolf Hess and was not even sure when he would be able to make a statement. This is Churchill being audacious, cunning and evading; and thoroughly getting away with it. Were all the British politicians cowards?

My coming to England in this way is, as I realize, so unusual that nobody will easily understand it. I was confronted by a very hard decision. I do not think I could have arrived at my final choice unless I had continually kept before my eyes the vision of an endless line of children’s coffins with weeping mothers behind them, both English and German, and another line of coffins of mothers with mourning children.”

~ Rudolf Hess (June 10, 1941)

I recommend a wonderful and free book on Hess during the war years of 1941 to 1945: Hess: The Missing Years by David Irving – Thank you David for making this book free.

In August of 1944, Treasury Secretary Henry R. Morgenthau Jr. (Jewish), submitted his malevolent plan, the Morgenthau plan, for post-war treatment of German leaders to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He proposes shooting many leaders upon capture, using German POWs to rebuild Europe, and tearing down industry and remaking Germany as an agricultural society. During the Second Quebec Conference held from September 12 to 16, 1944, Roosevelt and Morgenthau persuaded an unenthusiastic Churchill to agree to the Morgenthau plan. Churchill held out until he got what he came for, another $6 billion from the Lend Lease agreement.

On November 6, 1944, Winston Churchill made a visit to Moscow, the capital of the USSR. Whilst at a State dinner at the Kremlin, Joseph Stalin raised his glass and proposed a toast to the ingenious British Intelligence Services, which he said had “inveigled Hess into coming to England.” Churchill immediately protested that he and the intelligence services knew nothing about the proposed visit. Stalin smiled and said “maybe the intelligence services failed to tell you about the operation.”

History is not ended. It will sooner or later take up the threads apparently broken off forever and knit them together in a new pattern.”

~ Rudolf Hess (June 18, 1945)

When World War II ended, Germany was in total ruin. But it was to get even worse. Within a few years 15,000,000+ Germans and ethnic German civilians were cleansed, with 9,000,000+ murdered by starvation and disease. This was deliberate allied policy. It was the evil Morgenthau plan of merciless retribution in action for all to see. This behavior is exactly what Adolf Hitler warned about in the autumn of 1936 when he wrote the Four-Year Plan Memorandum “… but to the final destruction, indeed the annihilation of the German people …” Three painfully insightful books on this are: Gruesome Harvest, Crimes and Mercies and Hellstorm: The Death Of Nazi Germany, 1944-1947. The unfortunate German soldiers, who had been captured, were killed by starvation, lack of medicine and the elements in concentration camps. Up to 1,700,000 German prisoners of war died while under United States supervision. These killings were supervised by the Supreme Allied Commander, General Dwight D. Eisenhower. General Eisenhower prohibited German people from sharing their rations with detained German soldiers. [How did Eisenhower who was General Douglas MacArthur’s secretary, became the Supreme Allied Commander? Especially when General MacArthur felt Eisenhower was incompetent. How within 45 months did he bypass hundreds of officers with higher rank? Here are his unbelievable military promotions, with help from the warmonger Bernard Baruch (Jewish): March 11, 1941 – Colonel, October 3, 1941 – Brigadier General (1 Star), March 28, 1942 – Major General (2 Stars), July 9, 1942 – Lieutenant General (3 Stars), February 11, 1943 – General (4 Stars) and December 20, 1944 – General of the Army (5 Stars). Eisenhower was a 1915 West Point graduate, while there he was known as, The Terrible Swedish Jew. Ike sure did live up to his first nickname].

On October 8, 1945, Rudolf Hess left Britain for the last time. He was flown to the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg. It was there that Hess, along with other 23 other top German leaders, would be tried. On October 18, 1945, the chief prosecutors of the International Military Tribunal read the indictments against 24 leading German officials. The initial trial was held from November 20, 1945 to October 1, 1946. His judges were from the USSR, Britain, France and the United States. It is worthy to note, that the majority of the lawyers and support staff at this Stalin like show trial, I mean International Military Tribunal, were Jewish. The main judge on this tribunal from the USSR, Major-General Iona Nikitchenko, also presided over many of the most notorious of Joseph Stalin’s show trials during the Great Purges of 1936 to 1938.

United States Senator Robert Taft condemned the postwar Nuremberg Trials as “victor’s justice” in which the people who won the war were the prosecutors, the judges and the alleged victims, all at the same time. Taft condemned the trials as a violation of the most basic principles of American justice and internationally accepted standards of justice. United States Senator John F. Kennedy in his best-selling book, Profiles in Courage, applauded Taft’s principled stand. Kennedy did this in the face of immense criticism.

The defense counsel for Hess requested that a psychiatrist from neutral Switzerland should examine him. The request was denied. Psychiatrists from all four victorious allied countries examined Hess. There were eight doctors; three from USSR, three from Britain, one French and one from the United States. Seven of the eight who examined Hess agreed he was fit to stand trial. The eighth, was none other than the personal doctor of Winston Churchill, Lord Moran, who claimed Hess was too ill to stand trial, and should be handed back to Britain. Why would Churchill order such a blatantly preposterous decision? Did he want Hess back in Britain so bad he did not care what it looked like? Why would you want to draw more attention to these trials that were already looked upon with much contempt throughout the world?

Jackson [Robert Jackson, the chief United States prosecutor at Nuremberg] is away conducting his high-grade lynching party in Nuremberg,” he wrote. ” … I hate to see the pretense that he is running a court and proceeding according to common law. This is a little too sanctimonious a fraud to meet my old-fashioned ideas.”

~ US Supreme Court Chief Justice Harlan Fiske Stone (Harlan Stone was the first Chief Justice not to have served in elected office before becoming Chief Justice.)

The following quote is the last statement by Rudolf Hess to the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg on August 31, 1946:

I do not propose to argue about charges that are concerned with the internal affairs of Germany, with which foreigners have no right to interfere. I make no complaints about statements, the aim of which is to discredit and dishonor myself and the entire German people. I regard such statements coming from enemies as confirmations of our honor. It has been my privilege to serve for many years under the greatest son to whom my people have given birth in its thousand years of history. Even if it were possible for me to do so, I would never wish to wipe this period of service out of my life. It fills me with happiness to know that I did my duty toward my people. I regret nothing. Whatever men may do to me, the day will come when I will stand before the judgment seat of the Eternal: to Him I will give an account of my actions, and I know that He will pronounce me innocent.”

On September 30 and October 1, 1946, the sentences were pronounced. Hess was found guilty of crimes against peace and of conspiracy. He was found innocent of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg compromised when they sentenced Hess to solitary confinement for life. The USSR judge and his alternate wanted him executed (hung). The American and British judges and the American and French alternates wanted a sentence of life, the French judge wanted a sentence of twenty years. The British alternate shamelessly abstained.

The appeals of the condemned for pardons, were rejected. The death sentences, by hanging, were carried out in the early hours of October 16, 1946. Hermann Göring committed suicide before his scheduled execution.

I thought at the time and still think that the Nuremberg trials were unprincipled. Law was created ex post facto to suit the passion and clamor of the time.”

~ Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas

On July 18, 1947, Rudolf Hess and his six fellow prisoners, all former top German officials, were flown from Nuremberg to West Berlin, West Germany, and Spandau prison, under heavy security. For the next 40 years at Spandau, Hess was known and spoken to only as prisoner #7. In 1966 the last two prisoners, Baldur von Schirach and Albert Speer, were released after serving their 20-year sentences. Hess was alone. He spent the last 21 years all by himself, in Spandau, a prison built for 600 prisoners.

Keeping Hess in Spandau by himself cost the West German government approximately 850,000 Marks a year. All four of the allied powers had to provide an officer and 37 soldiers during their shifts, as well as a director and team of wardens throughout the entire year. The permanent maintenance staff of 22 included cooks, waitresses and cleaners. It took almost 200 people to keep in prison one man, a brave man who wanted peace. Over the decades it became more and more overtly obscene. This was torture; they were trying to dehumanize Hess with solitary confinement.

When his wife or son visited Rudolf, they were not allowed to touch each other. In 1950, a French chaplain, Pastor Casalis, complained, to the prison Directorate: “It can safely be said that Spandau has become a place of mental torture to an extent that does not permit the Christian conscience to remain silent …”

I am convinced that God will sometime really come to us, conquer Lucifer and bring peace to tortured humanity.”

~ Rudolf Hess (July 1947)

In this next quote, Churchill sure is reflecting, reflecting blame from himself “I am glad not to be responsible for the way in which Hess has been and is being treated” while demeaning the Hess peace plan “frantic deed of lunatic benevolence”. Churchill was the person responsible for keeping Hess, “quality of an envoy”, a prisoner in Britain for 53 months. If Hess was “a medical and not a criminal case” The International Red Cross should have demanded that Britain in accordance with the Geneva and Hague Conventions (which Britain should have done on their own) let Hess go back to Germany under medical conditions. Churchill told Stalin that Hess was mentally ill but this was to be kept secret otherwise under the terms of the Geneva Convention, he would have to be repatriated. Churchill has 3 lies, 1 demean, all in 1 quote.

Reflecting upon the whole of the story, I am glad not to be responsible for the way in which Hess has been and is being treated. Whatever may be the moral guilt of a German who stood near to Hitler, Hess had, in my view, atoned for this by his completely devoted and frantic deed of lunatic benevolence. He came to us of his own free will, and, though without authority, had something of the quality of an envoy. He was a medical and not a criminal case, and should be so regarded.”

~ Winston Churchill (1950)

[Churchill helped bring the United States into World War I with the false flag sinking of HMS Lusitania and was the head cheerleader in Britain / Europe to create World War II]

Lieutenant Colonel Eugene K. Bird was the US Commandant of the Spandau Allied Prison from 1964 to 1972. Hess met Bird and over the years, and after many hundreds of hours of discussion between the two men, they developed a friendship, and a book about the flight for peace began to develop. In March 1971, Bird’s superiors at the U.S. Mission in Berlin became aware of the manuscript and proposed book. Bird was interrogated, placed under house arrest, and eventually made to resign his position as Commandant of Spandau Prison. This episode also ended his long military career. Bird and his family relocated to Germany in order to complete his book about Hess. The Loneliest Man in the World, was published in 1974.

Rudolf Hess was the only one of the defendants from the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg found guilty, to serve the full life term. Of the four powers that had won the war against Germany, three, the USSR, France and the United States, proposed that due to his age, Hess should be released on humanitarian grounds. The British government under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, said no. This callus and malicious decision to a man in his nineties, a man who spent 46 years, half his life in prison, leaves one bewildered. What was true motive that made Britain act like this?

On August 17, 1987, Rudolf Hess, 93 years of age, was murdered at Spandau Prison, West Berlin, West Germany. His son, Wolf Rüdiger Hess, investigated his Father’s murder for many years. The following are two of his quotes and one of Lieutenant Colonel Eugene K. Bird, Commandant of the Spandau Allied Prison from 1964 to 1972.

Rudolf Hess did not commit suicide on August 17, 1987, as the British government claims. The weight of evidence shows instead that British officials, acting on high-level orders, murdered my father.”

~ Wolf Rüdiger Hess

The same government, which tried to make him a scapegoat for its crimes, and which for almost half a century resolutely sought to suppress the truth of the Hess affair, finally did not shrink from murder to silence him. My father’s murder was not only a crime against a frail and elderly man, but a crime against historical truth. It was a logical final act of an official British conspiracy that began in 1941, at the outset of the Hess affair. But I can assure them, and you, that this conspiracy will not succeed. The murder of my father will not, as they hope, forever close the book on the Hess file. I am convinced that history and justice will absolve my father. His courage in risking his life for peace, the long injustice he endured, and his martyrdom, will not be forgotten. He will be vindicated, and his final words at the Nuremberg trial, “I regret nothing!,” will stand forever”

~ Wolf Rüdiger Hess

I was suspicious for several reasons… after all, Hess who had been held in Spandau for almost 40 years was by then 93-years-old and fragile. I doubted he had the strength to kill himself with a cord which was not attached at both ends to anything.”

~ Lieutenant Colonel Eugene K. Bird, on the death of Rudolf Hess

On July 20, 2011, the remains of Rudolf Hess were exhumed, cremated and strewn at sea, along with his wife and parents. His gravesite, which became a shrine for peace, is forever gone. His gravestone, which bore the epitaph “Ich hab’s gewagt” “I Dared”, was destroyed. So, this is what it has come down to, the warmongers realizing that Hess is the poster boy for peace, have made a concerted effort to make him disappear. Being done on July 20th, is on purpose and meant to send a clear message. On July 20, 1944, an attempt was made to assassinate Hitler, at Wolf’s Lair field headquarters.

The enemy of peace has laid its soul to bare by what it did to Rudolf Hess for the last 46 years of his life. Then, 24 years after his murder, they cunningly try to erase him from history, by having his remains exhumed, cremated and scattered at sea. This vengeful overreaching has lifted the veil and shown us the evil we are dealing with. Thank you Deputy Führer Rudolf Hess for having lived your life with honesty and dignity. By doing this, you made the parasitical warmongers show their demonic hand to us all. You are, and will remain throughout history, a courageous hero for peace.

Purity is Strenght

The Führer’s Proclamation to the German People and the Note of the German Foreign Office to the Soviet Government, together with appendices



The following 88-page booklet published by the government of the Third Reich contains Adolf Hitler’s speech to the German people concerning his decision to declare war against the Soviet Union, and the official diplomatic message sent to the Soviets, outlining in great detail their crimes and plots against Germany, which violated the terms of the mutual Non-Aggression Pact. These violations are documented and a number of secret intelligence reports provided to Hitler which formed the basis of his decision to declare war on Stalin are also included in this must-read booklet.

This document shows clearly the true, legal basis concerning the war against the USSR in 1941, which support and justify the actions of Adolf Hitler, who had obviously been deceived and betrayed by the treacherous, double-dealing war monger Stalin. Hitler adopted the only attitude and course of action which a responsible German leader and representative of European culture and civilization could take.

Hitler’s intentions, from the time he first came to power in 1933 had always been peaceful and his actions honorable. He had always worked towards these objectives in good faith and with great patience. It was the WWI western allies and their international financial masters who wanted war all along and who would settle for nothing less, and who preferred to back a well-known murderous beast, namely Joseph Stalin, and to have the bloody horrors of Bolshevism be poured out upon European soil, than to have peaceful coexistence with a strong, free, independent and prosperous Germany.

Hitler and his Axis nation partners realized in 1941 that they had to now face this very real threat to Western Europe head on, as Stalin had been planning to attack all along, when Germany had her hands full on the western front. Hitler’s declaration of war was legally and morally justified by any reasonable standard of international warfare and justice, and only a multi-national effort could hope to prevent the Bolshevik takeover of all of Europe.

If Hitler Had Won World War II We’d Have a Better, More Just World Today


Legendary U.S. General George S. Patton realized late in the war that the United States fought the wrong country. Patton felt the U.S. should have sided with Germany to destroy Jewish Bolshevik/Communist USSR. This information comes from Patton’s diary entries, letters he wrote to his wife, and comments he made to military officers and staff.

World War II was incredibly complex. However, in the final analysis, WWII was essentially a war between two competing ideologies: Nationalism vs. Jewish internationalism/globalism. Adolf Hitler and his allies fought to preserve the concept of nationalism, not just for Germans but for all peoples the world over. Nationalism really just means the sovereignty of an ethnic people and the right of such ethnic people/nationalists — within their own bordered country — to self-determination. What is meant by self-determination? Self-determination just means an ethnic people preserving their unique culture and heritage and pursuing their collective goals as a unique people. This applies to any ethnic peoples: Nigerians, Germans, Swedes, Vietnamese, Mexicans, Tibetans, etc.

On the other side of WWII was Jewish (Bolshevik) internationalism (today we simply call this ‘globalism’). In the 1920’s, 1930’s, and of course during WWII, powerful Jewish internationalists were fervently advancing the Jewish worldview of eventually eliminating all nations… except for a Jewish homeland… (what was later to be — after WWII — the nation of Israel in 1948). Today we see that nothing has changed; Jewish internationalism/globalism still works toward gradually “merging” all peoples of the world (particularly in the Western World) into one globalist system with a global government, global laws, consistent global culture, global bank, global currency, etc. In short, Jewish globalism (i.e., the weakening and eventual elimination of all nations) is the exact opposite of nationalism (i.e., a world composed of nations … specifically, ethnically homogenous and bordered nations). The Allied powers of WWII (led by Roosevelt, Churchill, Stalin, et al) were tools of International Jewry and thus de facto fighting for the Jewish globalist worldview. After the (Jewish-run) Allies won WWII in 1945, international Jewish forces were then free to exercise a Jewish ‘Sphere of Influence’ over the greater Western World (and as we see today, increasingly over the rest of the world).

Alternatively, if Hitler had won World War II and then exercised a Nationalist ‘Sphere of Influence’ over the greater Western World, we’d have a more just, fair, and moral Western World today. The rest of the world would have similarly benefited had the Germans been victorious since German influence would have surely spread elsewhere (ideas such as non-usurious banking and strong family oriented culture would likely have spread globally).

Had Hitler won World War II, what would be different in the post-war world? Here are a few examples:

1 – No USSR (the Soviet government murdered millions of its own people during its 70 year reign — to study this topic read the writings of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn; Hitler would have liberated the USSR, though taking large parts of its Western region for lebensraum, “living space”)

2 – No cold war (because there would be no USSR)

3 – No Communist Eastern Europe/Iron Curtain (when WWII ended, Eastern Europe fell to Communism — this was part of Stalin’s spoils of war)

4 – No Red China and Mao’s subsequent killing of 40 – 60 million Chinese (the USSR created favorable conditions for Mao’s Communists which ultimately led to Mao’s victory over Chiang Kai-shek’s nationalists in 1949, thus if no USSR, no Mao victory)

5 – No Communist North Vietnam (both the Soviet Union and Red China aided Ho Chi Minh)

6 – No Communist Cambodia and Pol Pot’s slaughter of 2 million Cambodians (Red China aided Pol Pot)

7 – No dividing Korea into North Korea and South Korea (the Allies split Korea after WWII ended, with North Korea becoming Communist… another of Stalin’s spoils of war)

8 – No Communist Cuba (given the previous, what support would Castro have had in the 1950’s?)

9 – No Communism anywhere (Hitler was the world’s most fervent anti-Communist)

10 – Liberalism and multiculturalism wouldn’t dominate Western ethos (both are Jewish creations and both have always been heavily promoted/advanced by Jews; thus if no Jewish influence, then no liberalism and no multiculturalism… at least certainly nowhere near the degree we see today)

11 – No Cultural Marxism and no political correctness (these are social engineering “tools” which came out of the Jewish think tank known as the Frankfurt School)

12 – No third world immigration into Western nations (Jews wouldn’t be in power positions to craft and force through liberal immigration laws; Jews are responsible for each and every Western nation’s liberal immigration policy/laws, as all were orchestrated by a consortium consisting of the World Jewish Congress, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, and B’nai B’rith)

13 – No depraved filth on TV, in movies, etc. (because Jews wouldn’t run Hollywood)

14 – No widespread pornography (Jewish lawyers and Jewish activists were the main challengers of anti-obscenity laws, under the guise of “Freedom of Speech”)

15 – There would still be prayer in public schools (Jewish lawyers were instrumental in banning prayer in public schools under the guise of so-called “separation of church and state,” something that appears nowhere in the U.S. Constitution)

16 – No man-hating radical feminist movement (Jews such as Betty Friedan, Sonia Pressman, and Gloria Steinem, among others, were the key drivers of radical feminism)

17 – No Israel and all the problems it has brought the USA and the immeasurable misery it has wrought on the Palestinians

18 – Jews would be living in Madagascar (perhaps) and would be carefully monitored (Madagascar was one place Hitler considered as a Jewish homeland)

Many reading this will ask, “But what about the Holocaust?” The Holocaust has been grossly exaggerated by organized Jewry in order to create sympathy for Jews worldwide and thus help advance the Jewish agenda (i.e., people seen as victims tend to get their way). It is also used as a political weapon to justify Israeli militarism against the Palestinians. Hitler’s Final Solution (rebranded in the early 1970’s as the “Holocaust”) was a plan to remove Jews from Europe, not to kill them. During WWII, just as the U.S. couldn’t trust Japanese Americans, thus causing FDR to round many of them up and place them in concentration camps, Hitler couldn’t trust Jews since many were partisans sympathetic to the USSR and hence they aided the USSR in various subversive, anti-German activities. Therefore, the National Socialists rounded up Jews and placed them in concentration camps.

Somewhere around one million Jews died during WWII (not six million) mostly due to disease and starvation in the final months of the war. Heavy Allied bombing of Germany and parts of German occupied Europe destroyed many roads, rail lines, and bridges making it impossible for Germany to adequately supply the camps with food and medicine. The result is that many Jews died of starvation and disease; and of course many non-Jews also died of starvation and disease (again, due to a massive Allied bombing campaign and its destruction of German transportation infrastructure). Lastly, there were no “gas chambers.” Much has been written about this. To study the “gas chamber” subject, read the research papers published by Germar Rudolf and Carlo Mattogno (there are many others as well). To get a broad overview of the Holocaust, read my article, What Was The Holocaust… What Actually Happened?

It should also be noted that Hitler never wanted to “conquer the world.” He simply wanted to safeguard Europe and the greater Western World from all manner of nefarious Jewish influence and, more broadly, safeguard the world-at-large specifically from, 1) usurious Jewish banking and, 2) Jewish-driven cultural degradation.

As previously stated, the Allied heads-of-State (Roosevelt, Churchill, et al) were puppets of International Jewry; each sold his soul for power and prestige. Again, as earlier stated, World War II was a war between two competing ideologies: Nationalism -vs- Jewish Bolshevik internationalism/globalism — unfortunately International Jewry won.

Was World War II “the good war” as is often claimed? No, it was exactly the opposite. The Allied victory marked the beginning of the end of Western Civilization.

88 Seconds of Silence!

We invite you to join with National-Socialists around the world on Tuesday, 30 April, for 88 seconds of silence in solemn tribute to our immortal Leader at the exact hour when, 72 years ago in Berlin, he – fulfilled his earthly mission and offered up his life for all Aryan kind and for a better world to come.


Eastern European Time: 4:30 pm
Central Europe: 3:30 pm
Greenwich Mean Time: 2:30 pm
Eastern Daylight Time Zone: 9:30 am
Central Daylight Time Zone: 8:30 am
Mountain Daylight Time Zone: 7:30 am
Pacific Daylight Time Zone: 6:30 am


  1. Those observing the 88 Seconds of Silence should stand at attention, where and when feasible.
  2. Where possible, observants should face a visible representation of the Führer (bust, photograph or painting) and/or a Swastika banner. Some may also wish to light a candle or candles.
  3. Those at work or school should excuse themselves and find a private location. If they require permission to leave, they should say that they need a few moments for private religious observance. (Note: The lavatory is NOT an appropriate place for observance, nor is the need to use the lavatory an appropriate excuse to leave the room or work area. In fact, false excuses in general are not appropriate.)
  4. Where necessary because of time-zone difference, those who would normally be asleep during this time should make arrangements to rise early for the Observance.

The 30th of April is a sacred occasion, when His faithful followers join in a spiritual bond transcending the physical barriers separating them. It should, accordingly, be commemorated with all the solemnity and respect befitting the occasion.


WAGNER: Siegfried’s Funeral Music / Act III of Götterdämmerung (Wilhelm Furtwängler; Berlin Philharmonic) 9:21 min

BRUCKNER: 2nd Movement “Adagio” / Symphony No. 7 in E major (Wilhelm Furtwängler; Berlin Philharmonic) 9:14 min

An Eagle Came

AN EAGLE CAME from the Sun –
Again the God Ase, Creator of the World,
sent a man to bring Truth and Righteousness.
Again the world rejected Him.
Work and concern alone –
not only for His own people,
but for all of Europe – was His life.
Then He shook the dust from His wings
and returned to whence He came.
The world knows not what it has lost.

EIN AAR KAM aus der Sonne –
Wieder sandte Gott Ase, der Schöpfer des Weltalls,
einen Menschen um Wahrheit und
Gerechtigkeit zu bringen.
Die Welt hat Ihn wieder verneint.
Nur Arbeit und Sorge –
nicht nur für das eigene Volk –
sondern für ganz Europa war sein Leben.
Dann schüttelte Er den Staub aus seinen Flügeln
und kehrte zurück woher Er kam.
Die Welt weiß nicht, was sie verloren hat.

– Norwegian Nobel laureate writer Knut Hamsun, May 1945