Der Stürmer

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Category: Anti-Jewish Heroes

In Hoc Signo Vinces

by George Lincoln Rockwell
(9.03.1918 – 25.08.1967)


Long lasting success in any human endeavor is never the result of blind luck. The achievement of a clearly defined goal, whether it be the act of walking from point „X“ to point „Y“, the building of a house, or the organization of a business, is always the product of three things:

  1. The intellectual ability to perceive the problem involved, the opposition which must be expected, and the best way to overcome that opposition to reach the goal.
  2. The will and determination to do whatever may be necessary to reach the desired goal, regardless of opposition.
  3. The physical means, strength, and courage to enforce and carry out the plan or fight conceived by the mind and determined by the will.

If any of these three elements be lacking on one’s purpose, failure is the inevitable, predictable result.

A man who is too stupid to understand the various factors involved in trying to walk from point „X“ to point „Y“, where the path between us is a jungle infested with snakes, dangerous carnivores and fever, and who fails to arm himself with weapons and maps, medicine and other equipment will never arrive at „Y“ no matter how dogged his determination or how mighty his muscles. Another man attempting the same journey, though he clearly perceives the dangers and prepares for them, and though he be mighty of muscle, will yet fail to reach „Y“ if he is so irresolute and weak of will that he does not persevere at the struggle and ruthlessly use whatever force might be necessary to crush and destroy the forces opposing him. And a third man who has the intellect to perceive the dangers and to prepare for them, and the will and determination to fight his way through even with the utmost heroism, but who is frail of body and so physically weak that he cannot carry out the commands of his mind and his will cannot but succumb to the stronger adversaries he will meet.

It is with civilizations as it is with the struggles of individual men. Dozens of great civilizations have perished because of failure in one or more of these three elements necessary in the struggle for survival.

Savage societies usually perish, not so much from lack of vigorous will or lack of physical strength, as from lack of ability to perceive the real situation. Drowning in superstition and stumbling in the darkness of ignorance, they are overwhelmed by the physical forces of violent natural occurrences, catastrophes and diseases which more civilized societies have learned to overcome.

On the other hand, civilizations, for all their intellectual achievements and sciences, perish most often because of failure of the will, the diminishing of the savage and ruthless drive for survival and dominance which originally created society. They become „humanitarian“, selfish, and soft. They become physically weak and dependent on paid armies and police to do their fighting. The fighting spirit of honor and self-sacrifice and heroism of their ancestors gives way to a growing love of ease and luxury and cowardice masquerading as „humanitarianism“.

When a civilization reaches this effete stage in its decay, only a very rare historical occurrence can halt the final collapse of the society as the decadence grows daily more apparent. Only when the dying society still has enough life-energy to produce a spiritual giant, a godlike throwback to the ancient heroism of its people who is able to shock and drive the civilization out of its natural historical night of sleep and death, in spite of the suicidal opposition of the dying peoples who long only for „peace“ and the slumber of death, can a society once again rise for a while.

Western, Aryan civilization passed the historical point of no return on its journey into limbo during the nineteenth century, as was duly noted by Spengler, Chamberlain, and others. Were it not for the unbelievable, miraculous arrival of Adolf Hitler at the last possible moment, the only bearable course for an intelligent, perceptive, and sensitive man surrounded by a disgusting and suicide-bent civilization would have been resigned enjoyment of such momentary pleasures as provided escape from the soul-crushing reality of a Judaized, cannibalized and boob-ized civilization rushing headlong back to the jungle in the name of „humanitarianism“.

But the appearance in history of Adolf Hitler is evidence that there still remains in White, Western civilization a sufficient spark of self-sacrificing, creative vigor to permit, perhaps, another thousand years or so of survival for the White man. This infinitely precious spark will remain just that, however, and quickly fade into darkness, so long as the tiny elite minority of humanity with the wit to see what Hitler did is too selfish, cowardly, and short-sighted to apply the lessons of history before it is too late forever, and fan the spark Hitler gave us into the roaring flame of creative civilization founded by our courageous ancestors.

So far, the fearful punishment meted out to Adolf Hitler’s fighting heroes of civilization by Jewish forces of decay and destruction has so unnerved and terrified the world that even those able to see and understand the peril to humanity, and the way to salvation as shown by Adolf Hitler, are so pitifully attached to their lives and liberties and comforts that they dare not pick up the sacred spark of White survival and fan it with their own life’s breath, which it must soon have-or go out forever.

Aryan, White humanity is on the precipice of darkness and oblivion. Strewn on the crags in the eternal blackness below are the bones of other know-it-all, pompous civilizations which were doubtless unable to imagine their own demise at the very time when they were surrounded by the outward power and magnificence of empire. They were unable to realize or face up to the TOTAL threat of a growing weakness and „humanitarianism“, unable to muster the TOTAL will necessary to reverse the historical march to death and oblivion. They were too lazy and selfish, greedy and cowardly to heed the tiny few who have been burned, crucified, stoned, fed to the lions or handed the cup of hemlock.

If there is any history a thousand years hence, and any people able to study it, they will marvel in disbelief most of all at the stubborn refusal of the White man to use his overwhelming strength, his knowledge and the providential gift of Adolf Hitler’s leadership to save himself from the most incredible and cringing slavery at the hands of a relatively tiny gang of disgusting, pathologically unbalanced, physically weak and cowardly, arrogant, tyrannical Jews.

Our problems today are not „American“ problems, „British“ problems, „French“, „German“ or „European“ or „African“ problems—they are problems of SURVIVAL FOR ALL WHITE MEN.

What, in the name of the most elementary reason, is the difference between whether Bartholomew Buckingham is born near the Thames, Hans Schmidt on the Rhine, Pierre Dubois on the Seine, Per Olafson in Stockholm, Eric Erasmus in Durban, Joe Doaks in Podunk, Ohio or John Smith in Auckland, New Zealand compared to the question of „Shall there BE any more Bartholomews, Hanses, Pierres, Pers, Erics, Joes or Johns?“

Our planet swarms with colored creatures who outnumber us by more than FOUR TO ONE—and in all of our nations these inferior beings, we are told, are our „equals“, able to vote away our money, our liberties, our lives and our honor. By the old-fashioned notions of nationalism and democracy I, Lincoln Rockwell, am supposed to treasure and care for and be loyal to some of the lowest spawn of the jungle, providing only that their Black dam gave them to the world in some American ditch or filthy crib—because then, of course, they are „Americans“, and aren’t we all out for „America“?

Or am I to be loyal and die for these miserable and pitiable half-animals, my „fellow Americans“, by slaughtering millions upon millions of the finest biological specimens of my own race, because a gang of Hollywood Jews teaches us that Americans must hate Germans?

Or again, is it a certain piece of geography to which I am to be loyal, and for which I must kill my own people and perhaps die myself? Does my loyalty to this hunk of geography stop at the Canadian border?

But perhaps it is „Americanism“ to which I am to be loyal and for which I must make war upon German men, women and children. When I examine what they tell me is „Americanism“, however, I find that it consists primarily in being willing to submit meekly to Jewish direction of my culture, government, religion, entertainment, and even my sex life.

No, all this is nonsense.

The only thing to which I can be loyal with any deep conviction — the only loyalty which makes any sense — is my RACIAL, and therefore cultural, brotherhood with my own people, no matter where they happen to have been born! When that loyalty is challenged, and my people are in danger, it is monstrous to pretend that we must be suspicious of each other just because we live across imaginary geographical lines, and that, upon proper preparation and agitation by a gang of international Jews, we White men must march forth to kill each other and bomb each other to ashes and everlastingly hate each other because we are „trade rivals“ or for „American democracy“ or the „British Empire“ or for anything else in the world.

I am a WHITE MAN, and a brother to all other White men, and I mean to stand with all of them and, if necessary, lead them in battle to survive against the unspeakable menace of the colored populations of the earth rising to slaughter and rapine against the White men — and led by the scheming Jew!

But like the first man in the analogy of the walk through the snake-infested jungle, too many of our White „leaders“ fail to perceive the cosmic proportions of the problem and imagine it is something which can be solved in „their“ country, and by half measures.

The tiny few who do see the dreadful and total urgency of the White man’s situation have, until our arrival on the scene, attempted to fight with less than the total weapons required in a total fight for survival. Most of the best leaders have imagined that small groups of beleaguered White men, gathered into little geographical huddles behind imaginary lines and waving different colored bits of cloth bravely in the breezes, can survive by themselves, and the hell with the other White men who have different bits of colored cloth.

The Jews have NEVER made the mistake of seriously dividing themselves into these phony geographical „teams“. On the contrary, the Jews — with their Bolshevism, Zionism, and mongrelism — are attacking ALL White men, EVERYWHERE and ALL THE TIME. They are sending their black armies into all of our nations in an all-out attack against the White elite of the world, with absolutely no considerations of „national“ boundaries or flags or languages or cultures. In the face of this total international threat of annihilation by RACE, millions of those who already see the danger are to be found babbling darkly of „Yankee imperialism“, „British Empire“, „dirty Catholics“, „immoral atheists“, „Republicans“, „Laborites“, „damned Yankees“, „Germany first“, etc., etc., ad nauseam.

Like little boys besieged by a mob of kidnappers and murderers, they cannot resist squabbling about who has the most marbles in the face of deadly danger they temporarily forget. The battle of our times — if there is to be any battle — is for the SURVIVAL OF THE WHITE RACE!

And to survive, the White man will have to RE-CONQUER the earth once conquered and civilized at the cost of so much blood by his ancestors. Under the banners of international Jewry, the colored masses are threatening to return civilization to savagery. Under the Swastika banner of Adolf Hitler, White men around the world will master the planet to save civilization.

The Jewish war against civilization has actually been a world-wide, gigantic REVOLUTION, in the course of which they got millions of us to murder each other shouting „Democracy!“ „Gott mit uns!“, „Free the slaves!“, „Liberty, equality, fraternity!“ And now they are preparing for the final bloodbath during which we will shout „Capitalism!“ and „Communism!“ respectively, as the two teams of White men slaughter each other with Jew-financed H-bombs.

In the course of these fratricidal and suicidal wars, the Jews have not been afraid to sacrifice thousands of their brethren in their devilish cause, as they did in the last monstrous slaughter in the 1940s. The Jews realize what WE must realize: that they are playing for the highest stakes in the knowledge of mankind—mastery of the whole earth—and they do not shrink from the inescapable conclusions of strategy and tactics dictated by knowledge of such stakes. If we are to survive then we too must have the wit and the strength of mind to face up to the deadly facts of the situation and act RUTHLESSLY, RAPIDLY, and EFFECTIVELY.

The Jews have almost won the final step in their 4,000-year revolution—OPEN world power. They now have total secret power to manipulate and control all world activities, and lack only a little more brainwashing and breaking of the will of the masses to make their world domination an acknowledged and formal power. They have fought and won their way to this incredible power by unsurpassed determination and iron will over forty centuries, and only a miracle can prevent the final victory of such fanatical warriors, tragically and viciously wrong as such a victory would be for humanity.

Even the atheist Jews—which is most of them—have an inexplicable belief in the ancient Jewish prophecies that when „the law comes forth from the hills of Zion“ and Jerusalem, it will be the millennium for the Jews and they will own and rule the earth. THEY ARE IN JERUSALEM NOW, and lack only a few blocks of it for total possession! *[NB. – Commander Rockwell was writing before the 1967 war wherein the Jews seized the rest of the city. – WS]* They are experiencing a worldwide frenzy as they can already sense the total victory we are about to give them, and they are even now preparing their sacrificial orgy of victory in Tel Aviv!

In the face of this unspeakable threat, that the whole world and all of us will fall to the tyranny of a gang of criminal paranoiacs, the narrow chauvinism, conservatism, and regionalism of most right-wing leaders is the utmost stupidity! With the masters of mongrels, the Jews, leading MILLIONS of savages in a worldwide attack against the White-elite bearers of civilization, and with the end only moments away in terms of history, only the most short-sighted leaders can continue to keep our children divided and helpless into „teams“ of Americans, Dixiecrats, Catholics, Germans, Yankees, atheists, Dutchmen, conservatives, Irishmen, etc. down through the whole pitiful, heartbreaking list. The Jew may be all of these things—but FIRST HE IS A JEW!

It is the first task of him who would save civilization—which requires saving the White man—to make White men supremely and totally conscious of RACE above all other allegiances. Our people can be Democrats or Germans or Catholics or Englishmen if they want to and if it suits their purposes, but FIRST THEY MUST BE WHITE MEN! Otherwise, the Jew will keep us divided and helpless and unconscious of our racial unity and strength, while they fanatically fight as Jews, no matter where they are, until it is all over.

The world of TV, rockets and jet transportation has become too small to permit any group of White men anywhere to enjoy the suicidal luxury of fighting each other on behalf of the Jew ever again, no matter what the reason which may be advanced in the propaganda. We simply cannot afford to fight each other when we are under such overwhelming and deadly attack by such endless hordes led by such a fanatical and devilish enemy as the Marxist, Zionist Jew. The reason that the White man has been losing for so long in the first place is that he has failed or refused to see the enormity and the pressing urgency of his problem. He has permitted himself to be distracted into a million little squabbles over trifles, while his race has been driven almost to extinction.

Like the first man in the analogy, we haven’t understood the path, the nature of the obstacles and, worst of all, we haven’t even realized the goal we must win–or die. That goal is and must be MASTERY OF THE EARTH BY THE WHITE MAN, since civilization depends solely on such White mastery. Any lesser goal is utterly worthless, just as it would be worthless for a man scheduled to hang to take vitamins and attain perfect health.

And such a fantastically difficult and cosmic goal as world mastery cannot be won by luck, sneaking, half-measures, prayers, hopes, fine speeches, pamphlets, or sporadic violence. What we must aim at and achieve is a WORLD COUNTER REVOLUTION against the Jewish Marxist-Zionist revolution. And revolutions are never, never, NEVER the result of spontaneous and fortuitous uprisings, but ALWAYS the product of ruthless, scientific planning and fighting, based on the immutable laws of great social upheavals. Behind the pitchforks and the barricades there is always the story of the candle-lit conspiracies by the planners—otherwise the revolution would be over in a trice.

Not only have our handful of leaders so far failed to realize the unheard-of proportions of the goal at which we must aim, but they have singularly failed to face up to their terrifying responsibilities in planning. Time after time, would-be leaders have arisen and led us in pitiful efforts to nip the end of the tiger’s tail, only to waste our substance and blood and heroism in a fruitless struggle which always ends in being crushed by a single, smashing blow from the paw of the beast.

The Jewish world revolution can only be broken and beaten by a counter world revolution.

Any revolution must be planned with care and precision in accordance with the iron laws governing human conduct in the mass. A world revolution, in the face of the international and staggering power of Jewry, must be planned and executed with a brilliance and ruthlessness unmatched in the history of the world.

The most fundamental rule of such a cataclysmic social upheaval as a revolution is: „The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church!“ Perhaps it sounds cruel and brutal, but it is nevertheless true, that the greater the proportion of human upheaval aimed at, the greater quantity of blood and torrents of tears which must be poured out in vast quantities to gain the goal. The kind of unprecedented, colossal movement which can alone reverse the suicidal trend of the Western world, and usher in even another thousand years of survival for the White man, can never be launched–let alone won–in any safe, painless, or easy way. Even ordinary sufferings and martyrdom are too minscule for the kind of movement we must set aflame to survive. Everything about the current deadly battle for world mastery is and must be Olympian, and we cannot shrink from Olympian AGONIES if we are to hope to win.

Mighty movements always require millions of people to immolate themselves in a passion of self-sacrificing devotion to the cause. And these enormous masses of people can never be moved to fling themselves into the flames of revolution with shouts of „Favorable trade balance!“ or „States’ rights!“ etc. Only the FUNDAMENTAL drives from deep inside the human psyche can lift the slow-moving masses from their ignorant apathy to the wild pitch of emotion which carries them entirely away in the tidal wave of revolution. Nothing so affects these fundamental emotions of the masses as HEROISM, and only the utmost heroism can now save the White man from his lethargy and paralyzing fear of the Jews.

And there is no symbol other than the Swastika and no name other than Adolf Hitler which is so beautifully calculated to produce the persecution and consequent heroism which alone can unite and inflame the White man into an irresistable wave of anti-Jewish Marxist-Zionist revolution. Until the advent of Adolf Hitler, the White men of the world had nothing, absolutely NOTHING in the way of a common cause, common heroes, common martyrs, sacred shrines, names and symbols. But now, after millions of young German White men heroically flung their precious lives away in the first real fight in history for the White elite, we finally have the blood-soaked shrines, symbols, and martyrs which are the most elementary stuff of revolution.

Millions of equally precious young White men on the opposing side, fighting for the devilish Communist-Zionist Jews, will have lost their lives for absolutely nothing unless we accept this stupendous blood-sacrifice, and use it to ensure that never again will precious White blood be spilled fighting for Jews and negroes.

Nevertheless, and unbelievably, the lucky heirs of all this self-sacrifice and heroism—the recipients of these precious bloodstained banners and sacred names—reject their heritage as „impractical“.

„We can never win with open adherence to National Socialism and the Swastika,“ these gentlemen explain feebly. „The Jews have taught people to hate them too much,“ they add. „If we use the Swastika and praise Hitler too openly, they will throw us in prison or kill us!“ And did they not throw ALL makers of revolutions, including the Jew makers of the Red revolution, in jail—and even kill some of them? Are we National Socialists to be more fearful and cowardly than a gang of Jews? The very persecution and bloodshed such irresolute characters seek to avoid is the *sine qua non* of our victory!

These are not empty words. I have personally proved their truth here in America, the power center of world Jewry, by being beaten, by going to jail and the insane asylum, losing my dear family, and living like an animal. Twelve days from today, as I write this, I face jail again. These things are unpleasant and even heartbreaking—but they MUST BE!

I have risen in two years to a commanding position in the worldwide fight for the White man, starting as a penniless, unknown and unaided single individual like millions upon millions of others—simply and solely because I have gratefully and lovingly used the precious names and symbols which have been bathed and soaked in such oceans of blood and tears—the Swastika and the name of the Leader, Adolf Hitler.

Temporary and flashy political successes are always easy. It is always simpler and quicker to put pads in one’s jacket that to build the human muscles to fill the coat by months or years of work and sweat. For fifty years now, there has been a steady rise and fall of „right-wing“ or White movements built entirely of pads.

By endorsing motherhood and virtue and patriotism, etc., and by avoiding brutal statements of the real purpose of such organizations—which must necessarily be the extermination of the Communist-Zionist enemies of humanity—great flocks of skittish „patriots“, „conservatives“, and even a few „tough“ anti-Semites could be corraled. But these people are not attracted to such a movement because they are so inflamed with revolutionary zeal that they can hardly be restrained from attacking their tormentors in the streets. Rather they join the „patriot“ society to relieve their guilty consciences by pretending to fight the Jews and their treason and terror by what they call „clever underground methods“. They relieve themelves of their pent-up frustration at the tyranny of the Jews and negroes once a week at a „Rally“ (private, of course) and then hurry home happily for another week of profits, parties and TV.

Such Mighty Mouses are horrified when it is suggested that perhaps they should hand out pamphlets in the street, or picket some outrageous example of Jewish-Communist arrogance. And if one exposes not only the Jews for what they are, but also exposes these political loafers who siphon off the support and energy for a real battle, these heroes reply by howling that one is an agent provocateur working to get them all crucified as a bunch of Nazis–which, except for their disgusting cowardice, they might otherwise be.

It is not the task of the world anti-Jewish revolution to attract and organize these contemptible sneaks, but to drive them out of the way and out of business, where they will be unable to milk the Movement of the tiny bit of available support for useless „projects“, as they have been doing for years. Nothing accomplishes that task like the Swastika. The political drones, profiteers, prostitutes and cowards scoot with their tails between their legs from this hooked cross, as the devil does from holy water.

On the other hand, the Swastika has an irresistable attraction for the kind of daring, bold, devil-may-care fighting YOUNG men we need. In America, most of them are simply nigger-haters because of their pure White man’s instinct. When they learn the Jews’ part in the disgraceful negro situation they become Nazis in minutes. Then it is the work of only months until they also understand the deeper significnce, the idealism, and the true aims of the Movement.

But even more important than these advantages, the blood-soaked Swastika has a supernatural effect on Jews. It is after all only a few black lines—but it drives the Jews out of their usual sly and calculating frame of mind and makes them hysterical and foolish. To them, it is not just the lines, but the awful threat of ruthless exposure, swift justice, and terrible vengeance which their guilty consciences tell them they richly deserve. It is like a picture of the electric chair to a hunted murderer.

A calm, calculating Jew is the most dangerous beast on the face of the earth. By the exercise of his devilish, perverted but brilliant reason, the Jew has almost mastered all the rest of us. But a hysterical, screaming Jew, out of his mind with hate and fear of punishment for his crimes, is helpless putty in the hands of a calculating National Socialist.

We have proved this time and again—when Jewish councils have spent millions of dollars to spread the word among the Jews to ignore us. But the hordes of guilty little sinners can’t do it! When they see that Swastika and hear us praising Adolf Hitler and describing the gas chambers for traitors, they become screaming, wild ghetto Jews who have eternally blown up their victories at the last moment by their insane passions of hate and revenge.

The result is the lifeblood of a political movement: PUBLICITY! In spite of the Jewish domination of all the media of public information, the parading of Swastikas and National Socialists in public streets cannot be hidden or ignored without giving the game away. They can suppress the news, to be sure. But then too many people realize their press power and censorship. And when the young Movement is able to force publication of its existence on the giant national TV networks, in magazines, the press, etc.—it serves as a clarion call to the frustrated millions who are looking for such a movement. It is only thus that we have been able to contact thousands of people all over the world who have never before been in any „patriot“ outfit but couldn’t resist the American Nazi Party and the World Union of National Socialists.

The Swastika and Hitler, far from being millstones, are actually the answer to the eternal problem of the right wing—money! When you don’t have money for paper, meeting halls, etc.—as our side never does—you can go into the streets and march and distribute homemade handbills and picket—for nothing. The Jews go wild, attack—and you then have free use of millions of dollars worth of Jewish TV, newspapers, magazines, etc. Of course, you may get bloodied and have to sit in jail a while recuperating. But this is a small price to pay for the astonishing results.

In addition to the free publicity attendant on open operation as a Nazi, you also find that the very audacity of the thing will attract the young fighting men you need, even though they know nothing and care less about the politics of the business. They admire raw courage and daring. Later, when they have come to know the facts a little better, they will fight for ideals and the White man. But until then, these valuable protectors of your free speech will fight just for fun.

Above all, the Swastika will save you from the fundamental error of the right wing—that sweet reason will change the world and save us from the Jewish tyrants.

Reason is still an infant in human affairs, a precious and rare development found in the mutational brains of an infinitestimal minority of homo sapiens. And even the few geniuses able to exercise genuine, independent reason are almost entirely incapable of acting in accordance with the dictates of that reason—which is one of the reasons so many of them end up as failures in a world which does not appreciate them or their reason.

It is FORCE, POWER, STRENGTH which rules the world, from the ebb and flow of the tides to the decision of your neighbor to join the Rotary. Only a negligible fringe of oddball humans change their mind as a result of being convinced by a superior argument. The overwhelming masses, including the mass of today’s „intellectuals“, change their minds only in order to CONFORM. In other words, the minds of the vast majority ALWAYS bow to the strongest opinion—the opinion which brings rewards and avoids punishment.

The right wing examines its reasons and arguments and facts and finds them true and good—as they may be. They then become outraged which the slobs next door cannot see and appreciate this rightness and, very probably, throw them out of the house for preaching „hate.“ But this is only as things are. The slobs will hold whatever opinion seems to show the most strength and WILL TO POWER. They are completely, hopelessly female in their approach to reason and always, ALWAYS prefer strength to „rightness“.

When they say „no“ to our Swastika and National Socialism, they are only the eternal female saying „no“ but meaning, „If you accept my no, then you are a weakling and have no right to my favors. Let us see if you have the manhood and the strength to MAKE me say yes!“

They hate us now because we are weak and powerless. All the reason in the world will never make them love us or our ideas in ANY guise, no matter how we try to sugar-coat them, until we COMMAND THEIR RESPECT AND ADMIRATION FOR OUR WILL, our guts, our force! As stupid as they are, their instincts in smelling force and strength are still pure, and the attempt to SNEAK National Socialist ideas in the guise of „patriot leagues“ and other nice, safe groups very properly repulses them as being the actions of cowards and sneaks.

To HELL with the sneaky, safer approaches! They get us persecuted every bit as much as the direct, open approach, and they doom us to miserable, sneaking failure every time. If we are to be the last of the White men who conquered the world; if we are finally to be overwhelmed by a pack of rats, let us at least face the death of our race as our ancestors faced their death—like MEN. Let us not crawl down amongst the rats begging for mercy or trying to out-sneak them and pretend to be rats ourselves!

Let us stand on the scaffold of history—if hang we must—like the martyrs of Nuremberg, tall and proud! Is life so sweet, is comfort so precious and a job in a Jewish counting house so sacred that we are AFRAID to grasp the mighty hand of ADOLF HITLER reaching down to us our of our glorious past? Again, to HELL with sneaking and safety!

It is part of the Jews to be sneaky and sly. The genius of our people has ever been joyous strength, robust forcefulness, directness, manly courage, and flaming heroism. When the Jews, with their economic terrorism, jails, bullies and hangmen, scare the White man into laying down his cudgel and goad him into trying to out-sneak Jewish tyranny, the Jews have completely emasculated the once-strong White man, and doomed him to dishonor and defeat. The White man can NEVER win by sneaking!

In the dawn of Nordic civilization, lesser races used to cringe in their rude huts and pray, „Lord, save us from the fury of the men of the North!“ It was THAT kind of man who built Western civilization. If civilization is now to be saved from the swarms of degenerate Jews, their cannibal accomplices and their unspeakably depraved liberal friends, it will be THAT kind of man who saves it, NEVER sneaks!

WHITE MAN! The same iron blood of your mighty ancestors flows in your veins! The towering figure of ADOLF HITLER reaches out a giant hand to lift you up to world-conquering POWER! You have cringed long enough before pygmies! Now RISE! Defy the rats and vermin at your feet! Let them feel the toe and heel of your boot! Stamp them out!

You have been sleeping. When you rise and stand up, and the masses once more see what a man of FORCE looks like, they will love you as they now imagine they hate you. With the spark of National Socialism, struck by Adolf Hitler, burning in your breast, you are unconquerable! IN HOC SIGNO VINCES! In the sign of the Swastika, YOU will conquer!

Join hands with the heroes in America, Britain, Iceland, Denmark and other White countries who have raised the holy Swastika banner and defended it with their blood. It has risen from the ashes of Berlin, and never shall it be hauled down again. Stand with us before the altar of Adolf Hitler and the world-conquering White race, and pledge your life as we have, to bring the order and justice of Western, White civilization once more into the world. Let us teach the traitors and rats and pygmies once more to cringe in terror in their huts and pray, „Lord save us from the FURY OF THE MEN OF THE NORTH!“

-Lincoln Rockwell

Adolf Hitler – Speech to the Reichstag – 30.01.1937


Berlin, January 30, 1937

Men! Deputies of the German Reichstag!

The Reichstag has been convened today, on an important day for the German Volk. Four years have passed since that moment marking the beginning of the great inner cataclysm and reorganization Germany has experienced, four years which I requested from the German Volk as a period of probation and judgment. What would be more logical than to use this occasion to recount in detail all the success and progress these four years have bestowed upon the German Volk? Within the framework of such a short rally it is not even possible to mention all those things which might well be regarded as the remarkable results of this perhaps most astounding epoch in the life of our Volk! That is a task more fitting for the press and propaganda. Moreover, there will be an exhibition this year in the Reich Capital of Berlin in which the attempt will be made to give a comprehensive and more detailed impression of what has been created, achieved and begun than I could possibly be capable of giving in a two-hour speech. Therefore, I wish to make use of today’s historic meeting of the German Reichstag in order to point out, in a retrospective on the past four years, a few of the generally valid insights, experiences and consequences which are important not only for us to understand, but also for posterity.

I can say it with a certain amount of pride: this was perhaps the first modern revolution in which not so much as a window pane was shattered. Yet I do not want to be misunderstood: if the course of this revolution was bloodless, it was not because we were not men enough to stand the sight of blood. For four years, I was a soldier in the bloodiest war of all time. I never once lost my nerve throughout, no matter what the situation or what I was confronted with. This also applies to my fellow workers. But we perceived the task of the National Socialist Revolution not as destroying human life or property but instead as building up a new and better life. It is our greatest source of pride that we carried out this-undoubtedly greatest-cataclysm in our Volk with a minimum of casualties and losses.

Only where the murderous lust of Bolshevism believed itself capable, even after January 30, 1933, of preventing the triumph or the realization of the National Socialist idea by force have we naturally countered with force- and have done so with the speed of lightning. Then again there were other elements.

We recognized their lack of restraint, coupled with the gravest lack of political education, and these we merely took into preventive custody, only to restore to them their liberty after a very short time, generally speaking.

And then again there were those few whose political activities served only as a cover for a criminal attitude evidenced in numerous sentences to prison or penal servitude; these we prevented from continuing their devastating work of destruction by urging them to take up a useful occupation, probably for the first time in their lives.

In the space of a few weeks, both the political residues and societal biases of the past thousand years in Germany had been cleared away and eliminated.

Germany and the German Volk have overcome several great catastrophes.

Naturally, there always had to be certain men-I will be the first to admit-who took the necessary steps and who saw these measures through despite the eternal pessimists and know-it-alls. True, an assembly of parliamentary cowards is most ill-suited to lead the Volk forth-away from destitution and despair!

My Deputies! When the German economy seemingly ground to a complete halt in the years 1932 and 1933, the following became more clear to me than in the preceding years: the salvation of our Volk is not a financial problem; it is exclusively a problem of utilizing and employing the available work force on the one hand and exploiting available soil and mineral resources on the other.

The Volksgemeinschaft does not subsist on the fictitious value of money but on actual production, which gives money its value. This production is the primary cover for a currency, not a bank or a vault full of gold! And when I increase this production, I am actually increasing the income of my fellow citizens; if I decrease production, I decrease income, regardless of what salaries are being paid out. [-] This concerted resolution of economic issues finds its greatest expression in the Four-Year Plan. It assures that once great numbers of German workers are released by the armament industry and re-enter the labor force, these workers shall find secure employment within our economy. [-] It is quite clear that neither strikes nor lockouts can be tolerated in a sphere where such views prevail. The National Socialist State does not recognize an economic law of the jungle. The common interest of the nation-i.e. of our Volk-has priority over the interests of all its competing components. Therefore we cannot allow that any means suited for utilization in our Volk’s training and education be exempted from this shared obligation.

The education of youth, Jungvolk, Hitler Youth, Labor Service, Party, Wehrmacht: all of them are institutions for training and educating our Volk.

Books, newspapers, lectures, art, theater, film: all are means for the education of the Volk (Volkserziehung). What the National Socialist Revolution has accomplished in these areas is astonishing and colossal. One need only think of the following: Today, our entire German system of education-including the press, theater, film, and literature-is run and organized exclusively by German Volksgenossen. How often were we told before that removing the Judentum from these institutions must result in their collapse or deterioration? And what has happened now? In all of these areas we are witnessing a tremendous flourishing of cultural and artistic life. Our films are better than ever before; the performances on the stages of our first-rate theaters are in a world class all their own. Our press has become a powerful instrument serving the selfassertion of our Volk and does its part in fortifying the nation. German science is doing successful work, and tremendous proofs of our creative architectural will shall one day bear witness to this new epoch! An incredible immunization of the German Volk has been achieved to all the infiltrating tendencies from which a different world is made to suffer. We now already take for granted several of our institutions that were not yet understood even a few years ago: Jungvolk, Hitler Youth, BDM, Frauenschaft, Labor Service, SA, SS, NSKK-and above all the Labor Front with its tremendous organization-are bricks in the proud structure of our Third Reich. This safeguarding of the internal life of our German Volk needed to be complemented by an external safeguard. And I believe that it is here, my Deputies and men of the German Reichstag, that the National Socialist uprising has achieved the most marvelous of its accomplishments! When, four years ago, I was entrusted with the chancellorship and with it the leadership of the nation, I assumed the bitter obligation to lead back to honor a people who had been compelled to live the life of an outcast among the other nations for fifteen years. The internal order of the German Volk provided me with the requirements for reestablishing the German Army, and these two circumstances likewise made it possible to throw off those shackles which had been felt to be the deepest mark of disgrace ever branded on a people.

In concluding this process today, I have but a few statements to make.

First: the restoration of German equality of rights was a process that concerned and involved Germany alone. In its course we neither deprived any other people of anything nor did harm to any other people.

Second: I hereby proclaim to you that, within the context of the restoration of German equality of rights, I shall divest the German Reichsbahn and the German Reichsbank of their prior character and place them completely under the sovereign control of the Government of the German Reich.

Third: I hereby declare that, by virtue thereof, the part of the Treaty of Versailles which deprived our Volk of equality of rights and degraded it to an inferior Volk has now been settled in the natural course of things.

Fourth: above all, I herewith most solemnly withdraw the German signature from that declaration extracted under duress at that time from a weak government against its own better judgment, that Germany was to blame for the war! My Deputies, Men of the German Reichstag! This restoration of the honor of our Volk-most clearly evidenced in an external sense in the introduction of conscription, in the institution of a new Luftwaffe, in the re-establishment of a German Navy, in the reoccupation of the Rhineland by our troops-was the most difficult and most daring task and accomplishment of my life.

Today I must bow down in thanks to Providence, whose mercy has enabled me, once an unknown soldier in the World War, to thus help our Volk to win the battle for the restoration of its honor and uprightness! Unfortunately, not all the necessary measures in this context could be accomplished by way of negotiations. Be that as it may: a Volk cannot attain its honor by negotiating; it must seize its honor-just as its honor cannot be negotiated away, but only taken away!

That I took the required action without consulting our former opponents on each point or even informing them, was also due to the knowledge that I had thus made it easier for the other side to accept our decisions, as they would have had to at any rate. Allow me also to add yet another statement, namely, that the period of so-called surprises has now come to an end. As a state with equal rights, conscious of its role in Europe, Germany will cooperate loyally in the future to settle the problems which are a cause for concern to us and to the other nations.

When I now proceed to take a stand on all these basic questions of the present, it is perhaps most feasible to do so along the lines of the remarks Mr. Eden made recently in the English House of Commons.

In essence, they contain all there is to say on the relationship between Germany and France. Here I would like to express my genuine thanks for the opportunity of replying which was offered to me in the both frank and remarkable comments of the honorable British Foreign Secretary.

I have read these comments carefully and, I believe, correctly. Naturally I do not wish to become absorbed in details; instead I would like to try to extract the major points from Mr. Eden’s speech and, for my part, clarify and respond to them.

Initially, I will attempt to put right what appears to me to be a quite regrettable error. Namely, the error that Germany has any intention whatsoever of isolating itself, of passing over the events in the rest of the world with indifference, or that Germany had no desire to show any consideration for general exigencies.

What grounds are there for the view that Germany is adhering to a policy of isolation? If the assumption as to Germany’s isolation is concluded from what are alleged to be Germany’s intentions, I would like to note the following: I do not believe that a state could ever intend to consciously take a politically disinterested stand on events in the rest of the world. Particularly not if this world is as small as modern-day Europe. I believe that, if a state is in fact forced to take refuge in such an attitude, then only by virtue of being compelled to do so by an alien will imposed upon it. I would like to assure Foreign Secretary Eden here that we Germans do not in the least want to be isolated and by no means feel isolated.

In the past few years, there have been quite a few political ties which Germany has entered into, re-established, improved and, in the case of a number of states I might even say it has set up close and amicable relations. From our perspective, our relations in Europe are normal to most states, and very friendly to quite a few. At the top of this list I might cite the excellent relations binding us with all those states which have, as a result of hardship similar to our own, arrived at similar conclusions.

By virtue of a series of treaties, we have resolved former tensions and thereby made a substantial contribution to improving European conditions.

You will recall for example our agreement with Poland which proved advantageous for both states; our agreement with Austria; our excellent and close relations with Italy; our amicable relations with Hungary, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Greece, Portugal, Spain, etc.-and last but not least, our no less friendly relations with quite a number of states outside of Europe.

The agreement Germany concluded with Japan for the purpose of combating the Comintern Movement is graphic proof of how little interest the German Government has in isolating itself and how little it thus does in fact feel isolated.

Moreover, I have expressed more than once the desire and the hope of being able to arrive at equally good and friendly terms with all our neighbors.

Germany-and I solemnly reiterate this here and now-has repeatedly declared that there can be no humanly conceivable contentious issues whatsoever between itself and France, to cite an example. The German Government has moreover assured Belgium and Holland that it is prepared to recognize and guarantee these states at any time as inviolable neutral territories.

In the light of all the declarations formerly given by us and the actual state of affairs, I am somewhat at a loss to comprehend why Germany should feel itself isolated or even adhere to a policy of isolation.

I do, however, fear that I must interpret Mr. Eden’s words as meaning that he regards the implementation of the German Four-Year Plan as one element of Germany’s refusal to partake in international relations. Therefore, I wish to leave no doubt whatsoever that the decision to implement this Plan is not subject to any review. The reasons which led us to arrive at this decision were cogent ones. And I have been unable to detect any recent development which might have moved us to refrain in any way from implementing this decision.

Germany has a tremendous number of people who wish not only to work, but also to eat. In other respects as well, our Volk has a high standard of living.

I cannot build the future of the German nation on the promises a foreign statesman gives of providing some kind of international aid; I can build it only on the real foundation of a functioning industry whose products I must sell either at home or abroad! And this is perhaps where I, in my mistrust, differ from the optimistic remarks of the British Foreign Secretary.

If in fact Europe does not awaken from the fever of its Bolshevist infections, I fear that, despite the good intentions of individual statesmen, international trade will not increase, but ultimately decrease. That is because this trade is built not only upon the uninterrupted and thus secured production on the part of one specific nation, but on the production of all nations. Initially, however, one thing is certain: every single Bolshevist disruption will of necessity lead to a more or less lengthy disruption in orderly production. Therefore, I am not able to view the economic future of Europe as optimistically as Mr. Eden apparently believes he can. I am the responsible leader of the German Volk and must look after its interests in this world to the best of my knowledge and belief. Hence I am also under an obligation to assess the situation in accordance with what I believe I can perceive with my own eyes.

The history of my Volk would never acquit me were I to omit-for any reason whatsoever-doing something which is imperative for the preservation of this Volk. I am glad, as are we all, of any increase in our foreign trade. However, in view of the unresolved political situation, I shall not fail to do anything which might serve to guarantee to the German Volk its existence even after other states have succumbed to the Bolshevist infection. Furthermore, I must object when this view is dismissed as being but the product of a feeble imagination. For right now there is no doubt about the following: the honorable British Foreign Secretary is showing us theoretical perspectives on life, while in reality, for one, completely different events are taking place. The revolutionizing of Spain, for example, drove fifteen thousand Germans out of that country and did severe damage to our trade.

If the revolutionizing of Spain were to spread to other European states, the damage would increase, not decrease. If, however-this I must also investigate-the reason behind the opinion that Germany is adhering to a policy of isolation might lie in our withdrawal from the League of Nations, I would like to point out that the Geneva League was never truly a league of all the nations; a number of major nations either never belonged to it in the first place or had withdrawn even before we did, whereas no one claimed they were adhering to a policy of isolation. Therefore I believe Mr. Eden has evidently misunderstood German intentions and our own views on this issue.

For nothing is further from our minds than severing either our political or our economic relations with the other world or even to diminish them. On the contrary, the opposite is more to the point.

I have so often attempted to make a contribution to understanding in Europe, and have quite often assured particularly the English people and its government how very much we desire to cooperate and be on sincere and friendly terms with them. And I mean all of us, the entire German Volk, and last but not least myself! Yet I do admit there does exist a real and, as I see it, unbridgeable difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our own on one issue. Mr. Eden emphasizes that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn in two halves. It is unfortunate that this desire was not expressed and heard earlier. Today this desire is nothing but an illusion.

For sadly the fracture not only of Europe, but of the entire world into two halves is now an accomplished fact. It is regrettable that the British Government did not take the position it does today-that the fracturing of Europe needs to be avoided under all circumstances-at an earlier point, for then the Treaty of Versailles never would have come about. It was in fact that Treaty which introduced the first fracture to Europe, namely, the division into victorious nations on the one hand and vanquished nations, without rights, on the other.

No one suffered from this fracturing of Europe more than the German people. That this rupture was repaired, at least as far as concerns Germany, is essentially the achievement of the National Socialist Revolution in Germany and thus, to a certain extent, probably mine as well! The second fracture arose as a result of the proclamation of the Bolshevist doctrine, one of whose integral components is that it does not confine itself to a single people but aims to be forced upon all peoples.

At issue here is not a special form of life indigenous to, let us say, the Russian people; rather, it is the Bolshevist goal of world revolution. The fact that the honorable Foreign Secretary Eden refuses to see Bolshevism as we see it is perhaps related to Great Britain’s location, perhaps to other experiences of which we have no knowledge. I do, however, hold that, because we speak of these things not as theoreticians, one cannot accuse us of being insincere in our conviction.

For Mr. Eden, Bolshevism is perhaps something sitting in Moscow; for us, however, Bolshevism is a plague against which we have been forced to defend ourselves in a bloody fight; a plague that has attempted to make of our country the same desert it has made of Spain, that had begun the same shooting of hostages we are now witnessing in Spain! National Socialism did not seek contact with Bolshevism in Russia; rather, the Jewish international Muscovite Bolshevism attempted to penetrate Germany! And it is still attempting to do so today! And we have fought a difficult battle against this attempt, upholding and thus defending not only the culture of our Volk, but perhaps that of Europe as a whole in the process.

If in those days in January and February 1933 Germany had lost the last decisive battle against this barbarity, and if the Bolshevist expanse of rubble and corpses had spread to encompass Central Europe, perhaps one might have reached other conclusions on the Thames as regards the character of this, the most horrendous menace to mankind.

Since England must be defended at the Rhine in any case,28 it would now already be in the closest proximity to that harmless democratic Muscovite world whose innocuousness is so constantly and ardently hammered home to us.

Thus I would like once more to formally state the following: Bolshevism is a doctrine of world revolution, i.e. of world destruction. To adopt this doctrine, to accord it equal rights as a factor in European life, is tantamount to placing Europe at its mercy. If other peoples choose to expose themselves to contact with this menace, Germany has nothing to say on the matter.

However, as far as Germany itself is concerned, I would like to leave no doubt that we 1. perceive in Bolshevism an intolerable world menace; and 2. that we are using every means at our disposal to keep this menace away from our Volk; 3. that we are thus endeavoring to make the German Volk as immune to this infection as possible.

This also entails that we avoid any close contact with the carriers of these poisonous germs and that we are specifically not prepared to dull the German Volk’s sense of perception for this menace by ourselves establishing connections more extensive than the requisite diplomatic or economic relations.

I hold the Bolshevist doctrine to be the worst poison which can be administered to a people. I therefore do not want my own people to come into contact with this doctrine in any way. And as a citizen of this Volk myself, I will not do anything I would be forced to condemn in my fellow citizens. I demand from every German worker that he refrain from having any relations or dealings with these international pests, and for his part he will never see me quaffing or carousing with them. In other respects, every additional German contractual tie with the present Bolshevist Russia would be completely useless to us. It would be equally inconceivable for National Socialist German soldiers to ever need fulfill a helpmate function in protecting Bolshevism; nor would we on our side accept any aid from a Bolshevist state. For I fear that every Volk which reaches out for such aid will find it to be its own demise.

I must also take a stand here against the view that the League of Nations might lend its support as such if needed and actually save the individual member states by virtue of its assistance. No, I cannot believe that. Foreign Secretary Eden stated recently that actions speak louder than words. I would, however, like to point out that the outstanding feature of the League of Nations to date has been not actions, but words-with the exception of a single case in which it perhaps would have been better to have been content with words only.29 Moreover, in that one instance-as could be expected-the actions were not able to achieve the desired effect.

Mr. Eden holds that, in the future, every state should possess only those arms which are necessary for its defense. I do not know whether and in what form Moscow has been approached with respect to putting this interesting thought into practice, and to what extent promises have already been made from that quarter.

There is, however, one thing I must say: there is no doubt that the amount of the arms required for defense depends upon the amount of the dangers which threaten a country. This is something which each Volk-and each Volk alone- is competent to judge. Thus if Great Britain establishes the limits of its arms today, everyone in Germany will understand this; the only way we can see it is that London alone is competent to decide on the proportions of the protection required by the British Empire. At the same time, however, I would also like to stress that the proportions of the protection and hence defensive arms required by our Volk comprise a matter which falls under our own competence and thus is to be decided exclusively in Berlin.

The attempt has been made to construe a connection between German sympathy for national Spain and some sort of colonial designs. Germany has no colonial claims against countries which have not taken colonies from it. In addition, Germany has suffered so greatly from the Bolshevist plight that it will not exploit this plight and rob another unhappy people in its hour of need or extract from it some future gain by force.

The German Volk once built up a colonial empire without robbing anyone and without violating any treaties. And it did so without waging war. That colonial empire has been taken away from us. The reasons being brought forth today to rationalize that action are not tenable.

First: “The natives do not want to belong to Germany.” Who asked them if they wanted to belong to someone else; and when have colonized peoples ever been asked whether they harbored good will and affection for their former colonial masters? Second: “The German colonies were not even properly administered by the Germans.” Germany had only gained these colonies a few decades before. Great sacrifices went into their expansion, and they were in the midst of an evolution which would have led to completely different results today than, for instance, in 1914. Yet we had nonetheless developed the colonies to such an extent that others considered them worth waging bloody battles with us to wrench them from our possession.

Third, it is claimed, “Those colonies had no real value.” Were this the case, this lack of value would also apply to other states, and hence it makes no sense that they are depriving us of them at all. Moreover, Germany has never demanded colonies for military purposes, but exclusively for economic ones.

It is obvious that the value of a certain territory may decrease in times of general prosperity; it is, however, just as obvious that such an assessment will undergo an immediate revision in times of distress. And today Germany is living in times of a difficult struggle for foodstuffs and raw materials. Sufficient imports are only conceivable given a steady and continuous increase in our exports. Thus the demand for colonies in a country as densely populated as our own will naturally be put forward again and again.

In concluding these remarks, I would like to take a stand on a document the British Government sent to the German Government on the occasion of the occupation of the Rhineland.

At the outset I would like to establish that we hold and are convinced that the English Government did everything in its power at that time to avoid an escalation of the European crisis, and that the document in question owes its existence to the desire to make a contribution toward untangling the situation at the time. It was nonetheless impossible for the German Government to provide an answer to these questions for reasons the Government of Great Britain will certainly appreciate.

We have chosen instead to settle some of these questions the most natural way of all in the practical handling of our relations with our neighboring states, and now that full German sovereignty and equality of rights have been restored, I would like to state conclusively that Germany will never again sign a treaty which is in any way irreconcilable with its honor, with the honor of the nation and the government representing it, or which is otherwise irreconcilable with Germany’s vital interests and thus cannot be upheld for any length of time.33 I do believe that this declaration will be easily comprehended by everyone.

The great tasks which have been commenced beyond this [the Four-Year Plan] shall be continued. Their goal will be to make the German Volk healthier and its life more comfortable. As external evidence of this great epoch of the resurrection of our Volk shall now stand the methodical expansion of several of the Reich’s major cities. Enhancing Berlin to become a true and genuine capital of the German Reich is the first priority. Therefore today-just as this is done for our road-building-I have appointed a General Building Inspector for Berlin who will be responsible for the structural enhancement of the Reich Capital and shall ensure that, despite the chaos of Berlin’s constructional development, the strong lines will be retained which do justice to the spirit of the National Socialist Movement and the individuality of the German Reich Capital. A period of twenty years has been allotted for the implementation of this plan.

May the Almighty God grant us the peace to be able to accomplish this tremendous task. Parallel to it there will be a large-scale enhancement of the Capital of the Movement, the City of the Reich Party Congresses and the City of Hamburg.

This, however, shall serve merely as a model for the general cultural evolution to which we aspire as the crowning glory of the internal and external freedom of the German Volk.

And finally, it shall be a task of the future to guarantee, in a constitution, for all time to come the true life of our Volk as it has now taken shape in the form of a state, and thus to elevate that life to become the immortal basic law for all Germans.

When I look back upon the great work of the four years lying behind us, you will understand that my initial feeling can be none other than that of gratitude to our Almighty God who allowed us to accomplish this work.

He blessed our work and enabled our Volk to stride unscathed and confident through all the perils lining its path.

I have had three unusual friends in my life: in my youth Poverty was my companion for many years. When the Great War came to a close, it was the deepest Regret at the collapse of our Volk that overcame me and prescribed my path. Since that January 30 four years ago I have met my third friend, Concern. Concern for the Volk and Reich entrusted to my leadership. It has never left me since, and will probably accompany me now until I am no more.

Yet how could a man be capable of bearing up under the weight of this concern if he did not, faithfully trusting in his mission, have the consent of Him who stands above us all? It is Fate with special tasks that so often compels men to he alone and forlorn. I also wish to thank Providence here and now that it enabled me to find a company of the most loyal fellow fighters who have linked their lives to mine and who have been at my side ever since, fighting with me for the resurrection of our Volk. I am so happy that I need not stride through the German Volk as a lonely man, but that beside me there are men comprising a guard whose name will live on in German history.

At this time I would like to thank my old comrades in arms who stood by me untiringly throughout these long, long years, and who are now giving me their help, either as Ministers, as Reichsstatthalters, as Gauleiters, or in other positions within the Party and the State. At present, there are fateful events taking place in Moscow which really reveal to us how highly that loyalty which binds leading men deserves to be valued.35 I would further like to extend my sincere thanks to those who, although they have not issued from the ranks of the Party, have come in the course of these years to constitute true helpers and companions in the leadership of the Reich Government and in the rest of the Volk. Today they all belong to us, though this very minute they may not yet have the symbol of our community.

I would like to thank the men and women who built up our Party organization and have so successfully headed it. Yet above all I must take this opportunity to thank the leaders of our Wehrmacht. They have made it possible to present the National Socialist weapon to the National Socialist State without any disturbance. Thus today the Party and the Wehrmacht constitute the two eternally-sworn guarantors of the assertion of our Volk’s life. We are also aware that all our deeds would have been in vain had not hundreds of thousands of Political Leaders, countless civil servants of the Reich and innumerable soldiers and officers stood by us loyally in the spirit of our uprising. And beyond that-had not the broad front of the entire German Volk stood behind us.

On this historic day, I must once again mention those millions of nameless German people who, from every walk of life, from every profession and factory and from every farm, have given of their heart and their love and their sacrifices for the new Reich. And we, too, Men and Deputies of the Reichstag, wish to join together to thank above all the German women, the millions of our mothers who have given the Third Reich their children. For what would be the sense in all our work, what would be the sense in the uprising of the German nation without our German youth? Every mother who has given our Volk a child in these four years has contributed, by her pain and her happiness, to the happiness of the entire nation. When I think of our Volk’s healthy youth, my faith in our future becomes transformed into joyful certainty. And I sense with heartfelt fervency the significance of that single word Ulrich von Hutten wrote before he set aside his quill for the last time:


“Der Stürmer” wishes you a successful Year of Struggle – 129 (2017)!



The 16-th Martyrs of November 9th, 1923


At half-past twelve in the afternoon of November 9th, 1923, those whose names are given below fell in front of the Feldherrnhalle and in the forecourt of the former War Ministry in Munich for their loyal faith in the resurrection of their people:

Alfarth, Felix, Merchant, born July 5th, 1901
Bauriedl, Andreas, Hatmaker, born May 4th, 1879
Casella, Theodor, Bank Official, born August 8th, 1900
Ehrlich, Wilhelm, Bank Official, born August 19th, 1894
Faust, Martin, Bank Official, born January 27th, 1901
Hechenberger, Anton, Locksmith, born September 28th, 1902
Koerner, Oskar, Merchant, born January 4th, 1875
Kuhn, Karl, Head Waiter, born July 25th, 1897
Laforce, Karl, Student of Engineering, born October 28th, 1904
Neubauer, Kurt, Waiter, born March 27th, 1899
Pape, Claus von, Merchant, born August 16th, 1904
Pfordten, Theodor von der, Councillor to the Superior Provincial Court, born May 14th, 1873
Rickmers, Johann, retired Cavalry Captain, born May 7th, 1881
Scheubner-Richter, Max Erwin von, Dr. of Engineering, born January 9th, 1884
Stransky, Lorenz Ritter von, Engineer, born March 14th, 1899
Wolf, Wilhelm, Merchant, born October 19th, 1898

So-called national officials refused to allow the dead heroes a common burial. So I dedicate the first volume of this work to them as a common memorial, that the memory of those martyrs may be a permanent source of light for the followers of our Movement.

The Fortress, Landsberg am Lech,
October 16th, 1924

Adolf Hitler

Adolf Hitler – The Measure of Greatness

By Dr. William L. Pierce

Gott segne unserem Fuehrer

“What will count in the long run in determining Adolf Hitler’s stature is not whether he lost or won the war but whether it was he or his adversaries who were on the side of the Life Force, whether it was he or they who served the cause of Truth and human progress. We only have to look around us today to know it was not they.”

April 20 of this year [1989] is the 100th anniversary of the birth of the greatest man of our era – a man who dared more and achieved more, who set his aim higher and climbed higher, who felt more deeply and stirred the souls of those around him more mightily, who was more closely attuned to the Life Force which permeates our cosmos and gives it meaning and purpose, and did more to serve that Life Force, than any other man of our times.

And yet he is the most reviled and hated man of our times. Only a few tens of thousands of men and women, in scattered groups around the world, will celebrate his birthday with love and reverence on April 20, while all of the scribblers and commentators of the controlled news media, the controlled politicians, and the controlled churchmen will pour out their hatred and venom and lies against him, and those lies will be believed by hundreds of millions. What is the measure of greatness in a man?

Only the most vulgar and doctrinaire democrat would seriously equate greatness with popularity – although in any polling of average citizens on their choice for the greatest man of the century there are certain to be substantial numbers of votes for Elvis Presley, John Kennedy, Billy Graham, Michael Jackson, and various other high-visibility lightweights: charismatic entertainers on the stage of politics, rock concerts, spectator sports, or what have you.

More serious citizens would pass by the lightweights and choose men who have changed the world in some way. We would hear choices like Franklin Roosevelt (“he saved the world from fascism”), Albert Einstein (“he taught us about the nature of our universe”), and Martin Luther King (“he helped us achieve racial justice”), depending upon whether one’s personal inclinations lay more in the direction of politics, science, or racial self-abasement, respectively.

But if the poll asked instead for the most evil man of the century, or the most hated man, or the man having the most negative influence, at least three-quarters of the blue-collar and the white-collar pollees alike would name one man: Adolf Hitler. This, however, would be merely a reflection of the role assigned to him by the controlled mass media, rather than a truly informed and reasoned choice.

All of this raises several very interesting issues. There is, for example, the question of how we came to the preposterous state of affairs prevailing today, wherein we place the destiny of our nation, our planet, and our race in the hands of a mass of voters whose powers of judgment are manifested in such things as the type of television entertainment their preferences have pushed into prime time and the type of men they have elected to public office. And there is the equally weighty question of how, knowing the ease with which this mass is misled, we permitted virtually all of the media of mass information and entertainment to fall into the hands of a race whose interests are so diametrically opposed to our own.

Perhaps even more pertinent to a consideration of human greatness, however, is the question of how our system of values came to be turned on its head, so that Franklin Roosevelt is regarded as a hero and Adolf Hitler as a villain, not only by the stolid and stunned masses, but also by a majority of the supposedly “educated” elite, many of whom pride themselves on their intellectual independence.

Whether we judge the greatness of a man by his intrinsic qualities of character and soul or by his accomplishments, Adolf Hitler had greatness of a very high order – if we use the standards which have been traditional in our race.

We cannot, of course, make comparisons with all the “mute, inglorious Miltons” whose lack of notable accomplishment has made them anonymous, despite the sterling inner qualities they may have possessed. But when Hitler’s character is held up beside those of other 20th century political leaders, he stands as a giant among pygmies.

At the prosaic level, we can note his ascetic personal habits, compared with Winston Churchill’s habitual drunkenness and notorious self-indulgence; or his personal loyalty to those who had been his comrades in the days of political struggle, compared with Joseph Stalin’s habit of murdering his former comrades by the dozen, as potential rivals, as soon as he no longer needed their services; or his direct, frank, and straightforward manner, compared to the cunning deviousness which was Franklin Roosevelt’s trademark.

At the spiritual level, the inner differences between Hitler and his contemporaries are even more striking. Hitler was a man with a mission, from the beginning. The testimony of his closest associates, from his boyhood days to the end of his life, agrees with the observations of more distant and impartial observers: Hitler had a mystical sense of destiny, a sense of having been singled out and called by a higher power to devote his life to the service of his race.

His childhood companion August Kubizek has related extraordinary evidence of this when Hitler was only 16 years old (August Kubizek, Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund [Graz, 1953], pp. 127-135). Twenty years later, while he was in prison after an unsuccessful attempt to overthrow the government, Hitler himself wrote of his motivation in a way which suggested the range of his vision:

What we must fight for is the security of the existence and reproduction of our race and our people, the sustenance of our children and the maintenance of the purity of our blood … so that our people may mature for the fulfillment of the mission allotted them by the Creator of the universe.

Every thought and every idea, every doctrine and all knowledge, must serve this purpose. And everything must be examined from this point of view and used or rejected according to its utility. Then no theory will stiffen into a dead doctrine, since it is life alone that all things must serve…

… The National Socialist philosophy finds the importance of mankind in its basic racial elements. In the state it sees on principle a means to an end and construes that end as the preservation of the racial existence of man…

And so the National Socialist philosophy of life corresponds to the innermost will of Nature, since it restores that free play of forces which must lead to a continuous mutual higher breeding, until finally the best of humanity, having achieved possession of this earth, will have a free play for activity in domains which will lie partly above it and partly outside it.

We all sense that in the distant future humanity must be faced by problems which only a highest race, become master people and supported by the means and possibilities of an entire globe, will be equipped to overcome…

Thus, the highest purpose of a National Socialist state is concern for the preservation of those original racial elements which bestow culture and create the beauty and dignity of a higher mankind. We, as Aryans, can conceive of the state only as the living organism of a nationality which not only assures the preservation of this nationality, but by the development of its spiritual and ideal abilities leads it to the highest freedom…

A National Socialist state must begin by raising marriage from the level of a continuous defilement of the race and give it the consecration of an institution which is called upon to produce images of the Lord and not monstrosities halfway between man and ape…

It must set race in the center of all life. It must take care to keep it pure. It must declare the child to be the most precious treasure of the people. It must see to it that only the healthy beget children…

The National Socialist state must make certain that by a suitable education of youth it will someday obtain a race ripe for the last and greatest decisions on this earth…

… Anyone who wants to cure this era, which is inwardly sick and rotten, must first summon the courage to make clear the causes of this disease. And this should be the concern of the National Socialist movement: pushing aside all narrow-mindedness, to gather and to organize from the ranks of our nation those forces capable of becoming the vanguard fighters for a new philosophy of life…

We are not simple enough to believe that it could ever be possible to bring about a perfect era. But this relieves no one of the obligation to combat recognized errors, to overcome weaknesses, and to strive for the ideal. Harsh reality of its own accord will create only too many limitations. For that very reason, however, man must try to serve the ultimate goal, and failures must not deter him, any more than he can abandon a system of justice because mistakes creep into it, or any more than medicine is discarded because there always will be sickness in spite of it.

We National Socialists know that with this conception we stand as revolutionaries in the world of today and are branded as such. But our thoughts and actions must in no way be determined by the approval or disapproval of our time, but by the binding obligation to a truth which we have recognized” (Mein Kampf).

Hitler’s opponents, Churchill and Roosevelt, were party politicians, with the minds and souls of party politicians. Great, impersonal goals, just as truth, meant nothing at all to them. The only thing that counted was the approval or disapproval of their times: the outcome of the next election, a good press claque, votes. Only Stalin shared in any way Hitler’s disdain for approval; only Stalin was motivated to any degree by an impersonal idea. But the idea that Stalin served was the alien, destructive idea of Jewish Marxism. And while Hitler served the Life Force with the instincts of a seer, Stalin served Marxism with the instincts of a bureaucrat and a butcher. A comparison of careers leads us to a similar ranking of greatness of soul. Churchill and Roosevelt were born into the political establishment. They fed at the public trough for years, in one office after another, grabbing greedily at opportunities for a bigger serving of swill. But it was circumstance, not their own efforts, which thrust them onto the stage of world history.

Stalin hacked out his own niche in history to a much greater extent than his western allies, and he was an incomparably stronger man than either of them. He was tough, ruthless, infinitely cunning, and utterly determined to prevail, no matter what the obstacles. Even so, his struggle for prominence and power was entirely within the Bolshevik party and its predecessors. He was the consummate bureaucratic infighter, not the innovator or the lone pioneer.

Only Adolf Hitler started literally from nothing and through the exercise of a superhuman will created the physical basis for the realization of his vision. In 1918, recovering in a veterans’ hospital from a British poison-gas attack, he made the decision to enter politics in order to serve that vision. He was a 29-year-old invalid, with no money, no family, no friends or connections, no university education, and no experience. Liberals, Jews, and communists ruled his country, making him and all those to whom he might appeal for support outsiders.

Five and one-half years later he was sentenced to five years in prison for his political activity, and his enemies thought that was the end of him and his movement. But less than nine years after being sentenced he was Chancellor of Germany, with the strongest and most progressive nation in Europe at his command. He had built the National Socialist movement and led it to victory over the organized opposition of the entire Establishment: conservatives, liberals, communists, Jews, and Christians.

He then transformed Germany, lifting it out of its economic depression (while Americans, under Roosevelt, continued to line up at the soup kitchens), restoring its spirit (and much of the territory which had been taken from it by the victors of the First World War), stimulating its artistic and scientific creativity, and winning the admiration (or, in some cases, the envy and hatred) of other nations. It was an achievement hardly paralleled in the history of the world. Even those who do not understand the real significance of his creation must concede that.

And what was the real significance of Hitler’s work? One of his most earnest admirers in

India, Savitri Devi, has given us a poetic answer to that question. She wrote:

In its essence, the National Socialist idea exceeds not only Germany and our times, but the Aryan race and mankind itself and any epoch … it ultimately expresses that mysterious and unfailing wisdom according to which Nature lives and creates: the impersonal wisdom of the primeval forest and of the ocean depth and of the spheres in the dark fields of space; and … it is Adolf Hitler’s glory not merely to have gone back to that divine wisdom – stigmatizing man’s silly infatuation for “intellect,” his childish pride in “progress,” and his criminal attempt to enslave Nature – but to have made it the basis of a practical regeneration policy of worldwide scope, precisely now, in our overcrowded, over civilized, and technically over evolved world, at the very end of the dark age” (Savitri Devi, The Lightning and the Sun [National Socialist World No. 1, p. 61]).

More prosaically, Hitler’s work, in contrast to that of his contemporaries, was above politics, above economics, above nationalism. He had mobilized a powerful, modern state and placed it at the service of our race, so that our race might become fit to serve as an agent of the Life Force.

Perceptive and idealistic young men from every nation in Europe – and from many nations outside Europe as well – recognized this significance, and they flocked to serve him and to fight for his cause, even at the cost of censure and ostracism from their more parochial and narrow-minded countrymen. There was never before an elite fighting force to match the SS, which by the end of the Second World War had more non-Germans than Germans in it.

The war, of course, is counted as Hitler’s great failure, even as the proof of his lack of greatness, by his detractors. It merely proves that he was a man, not a god, even if a divine will worked through him, and that he could not perform miracles. He could not defend himself forever, with the governments of nearly the whole world allied in a total war to pull him down and destroy his creation, so that they and the interests they served could return to “business as usual.” Even so, he gave a far better account of himself than any of his adversaries.

And what will count in the long run in determining Adolf Hitler’s stature is not whether he lost or won the war, but whether it was he or his adversaries who were on the side of the Life Force, whether it was he or they who served the cause of Truth and human progress. We only have to look around us today to know it was not they.

The Führer and his Movement

Historical Overview by Reichsleiter Philipp Bouhler

Adolf Hitler our Saviour

The „German Workers Party”, founded by Schriftleiter Karl Harrer on the 5th of January 1919, had almost no political existence. The six members of the party formed a union of well-meaning nationalist men who knew about the fateful activities of Marxism and thus had united with the purpose of giving the German working-classes back to the nation. Although the knowledge of these men was perfectly true, they were not capable of translating their plans into reality. They had no money but that was not the worst part. They lacked a general grand idea that could have guided them in their fight. Alone and helpless they faced a world that either intentionally ignored them or did not even know that they existed. They simply did not know how to attract the people’s attention and most likely they would never have exceeded the importance of an entirely meaningless debating club. In a word, they needed a Führer. They found him in their 7th member.

On the day – it must have been the 16th of September 1919 – that Adolf Hitler joined the party its unique career began. Hitler immediately realized that the party had to abandon its hidden existence and make itself publicly known. He believed that immense propaganda, adequate for the psyche of the masses was the only possible method of achieving this goal. First though, before he could introduce even the slightest innovation, Hitler had to overcome strong opposition from parliamentary oriented members to the „liquidation” of the party as it existed.

What is obvious in any army, especially in the German army, has almost completely disappeared in the political life of most nations: acknowledgement of the value of personality and its responsibility. In yesterday’s Germany it was the decisions of a majority that dictated the actions of the political leaders who could then hide behind those majority resolutions, free from any responsibility. Adolf Hitler however, structured his party according to the principles of authority towards those below and responsibility towards those above.

When the executive head of the party that had been known as the „NSDAP“ since the 9th of August 1920, resigned in July 1921, Adolf Hitler was elected chairman and was given almost dictatorial powers. Soon afterward it became clear that the speaker, who fascinated the masses with his words, had perfect organizational skills. He immediately and indiscriminately broke away from the [party’s] previous habits in which he saw the destruction of every organization. After all, he did not want to form a party in the common sense of the word. What he needed was a powerful, rigidly organized instrument that blindly obeyed his dominant willpower. This instrument was the NSDAP. It was the organizational core of the National Socialist Movement that should gradually take over the entire German nation. The national community had to be determined by blood and bound to the native soil. All differences of political, social or religious doctrine that hitherto had dispersed nations in all directions had to be bridged. Any small-minded impulse of self interest in individuals or groups had to be drowned out by the command that dictated that all Germans must act in a united manner.

Of what importance is the question of the form of government, the conflict over ecclesiastical problems, or the hate-filled disputes between workers and owners in view of the almighty fate that had to decide inexorably over the life or ruin of Germany!

An organization, as Adolf Hitler envisaged it, was not only a state which could one day replace the rotten, collapsing, Marxist state structure, but one with which a leader’s genius, borne along by the eternal truth of the idea, had to be able to unhinge a world!

According to these grand principles he formed the NSDAP and its sub-divisions. In the end however, it was only Adolf Hitler’s personality that guaranteed success. His knowledge and actions (obviously guided by Providence) his work, his faith, his willpower and determination, the shining example of the Führer over and above the hourly and daily chaos, these were the only assurances of success. If it was not for the Führer, how could it have been possible that these boys and all the men and women, sacrificed property and blood without so much as a claim for gratitude? How could they have defied destiny, suffered from misery, need and persecution. How could a look from the Führer’s eyes have been enough compensation for the most difficult sacrifices?

There are things in human life that must be done without regard for whether they will be successful or not. Certain decisions and actions can only be avoided at the price of inner freedom, respect, happiness or even one’s life. Consequently, the individual as well as the Movement or the nation must suffer some defeats. Such was the defeat on the 9th of November 1923. A black day indeed for the National Socialist Movement but at the same time a turning point in contemporary history. On that day a man and a few followers tried to change Germany’s destiny. This man dared to take action although there was almost no chance of success.

Nevertheless, it had to be done. The German future belonged only to him who had the courage to leap into the unknown. The seed of a better Germany could grow up only through blood and combat.

It was one of the most difficult decisions of his life when Adolf Hitler decided to take action. He proved his incredible courage when, supported only by his own resolution he challenged the existing system and declared the government dismissed although it was in possession of the federal means of power. All by himself he carried the burden of responsibility for everything that was to result from this coup. His effort failed. It could not bring to an end the five years of fatal destiny that had crushed Germany. The system of the 9th of November 1918 remained in charge, damaging the entire nation. The attempt of Adolf Hitler and his friends was not a complete failure however.

In later years the Führer came to believe that on the 9th of November 1923 the time had not yet been ripe for victory. On the 9th of November 1933, at the 10th anniversary celebrated in the Burgerbräukeller he called the failed attempt, „Wisdom of Providence” but he added, „and yet I am convinced that when we acted the way we did, we had to act in this and no other way, because we were on a mission from God”.

Those men did not follow a phantom, but the call of their hearts beneath the flag with the swastika when they marched towards the Feldherrnhalle on their way to a new Reich. They followed the loud call of an ideal that talked to them through the words of Adolf Hitler. They were ready to sacrifice the most precious good they possessed because they valued the ideal that materialized in Adolf Hitler, higher than their own lives. Destiny accepted this sacrifice from 16 men. Hence, the men who died on that 9th of November were the first martyrs of the National Socialist struggle. They were, followed by many who sacrificed their blood and life on the shrine of their country. But those 16 were the first. For their fight the odds were much worse than the odds were in later years. This means that their effort had to be much stronger. They proved to the world that this new Movement was prepared to fertilize the way to Germany’s freedom with the blood of its fighters. It was the reason that the Führer picked those 16 men out of the line of comrades shot by Red Fronters and Reactionaries and established a monument for them. The Hall of Honor on the Königsplatz in München is a plain and aristocratic monument that reminds us of their great sacrifice and provides the acknowledgement they get from the Movement. This is why on the 9th of November 1935 the mortal remains of these 16 men were taken out of their simple graves in various cemeteries in München and its surroundings. After they were displayed for one night in the Feldherrnhalle they were transferred in a festive parade to their new tomb. There they will forever be Eternal Guards, reminding coming generations of this day.

More than a year passed during which the Movement tried to re-establish an organized system after the breakdown on the 9th of November 1923. It was a time of inner turmoil, of discord and disputes among the leaders. The powerful resurgence of interest in National Socialist thought throughout the entire Reich as a result of the great publicity surrounding the trial of Nazis at the Volksgerichtshof in München, was overshadowed by infighting. Many of the old fighters were deeply seized by a feeling of disillusionment and hopelessness. Many turned their back on the Movement. In northern Germany a few ambitious national leaders tried to take over Adolf Hitler’s heritage with the goal of turning his Movement around for their own purposes. It was a relatively small group that loyally stood by the old flag.

Then, on the 20th of December 1924, the gates of the prison at Landsberg am Lech were opened for Adolf Hitler. For the remaining five years of his „punishment” (he had been sentenced for high treason) he was put on probation.

A sigh of relief went through his fellow fighters. Now that the Führer was once again among them, more determined than ever to guide the way with the flag, they no longer felt anxiety for the future. What meant frustration for some, was out of the question for Hitler and his followers: he could not rely on one of the existing national political organizations, but had to re-establish the old NSDAP. On the 25th of February 1925, among the unbelievable cheers of his followers, he proclaimed that his Movement was founded again. The historic Burgerbräukeller in München had to be cordoned off by the police on that day, due to overcrowding. And indeed it was a great achievement that Adolf Hitler in a masterful speech could reunite the deadly rivals among the members of the Großdeutsche Volksgemeinschaft and the Nationalsozialistische Freiheitsbewegung, which at that time were the two dueling sides.

The beginning was made. The fight could be started anew in the same old spirit. In one way however, this fight was different in the methods that had been used up until the 9th of November 1923. Until that date everybody had been prepared to turn the existing government over in a coup.

Now the Führer clearly saw the necessity to continue his fight on a completely legal basis. That however, meant a change in tactics only. By no means did it mean a modification of the goal which, then and always, could only be the conquest of the political power in Germany. The constitution of the „November Republik” with its democratic foundation left the possibility open to gradually win the people’s support through relentless propaganda and thus, in the course of elections, to enter parliament. So we reached our goal in a perfectly legal way. We only had to beat democracy at its own game. The Führer’s challenge to the political system was perfectly clear and the political leaders of Germany of that time immediately took counter measures to prevent the party from getting’ established and from spreading its idea. The Bavarian government prohibited public speeches by Adolf Hitler, justifying their action with a manipulated version of one of Hitler’s speeches, which led to a series of oppressive measures and persecutions carried out by public authorities. Other states joined in and for years the Führer could speak in person only at unofficial meetings of party members. Moreover, it was essential to avoid the possibility that the party would be suppressed again and consequently the propaganda possibilities were limited. Nevertheless the fight against enslaving contracts and the weak governmental policy of consensus was carried on pitilessly and by the use of all legal means. Likewise, the examination of Marxism and its corrupting influences on all fields progressed. Gradually the Movement came to a firm footing in the parliaments outside of Bavaria too: first in Thüringen in 1930, then in Braunschweig and Anhalt.

While the political fight continued in this way with unbroken vehemence and tenacity, difficult organizational problems piled up for the Movement. Decisions about assignments of members were not made on a round table basis but the structure of the party developed organically from the bottom up. The true leaders had to emerge out of a free game of powers.

Finally however, this wild growth had to be regulated and controlled. All those who had formed a towngroup – those who had proven that they were men enough to make their own way – they were acknowledged and from then on protected against all attacks. In the end, when those towngroups had spread all over the nation, one after the other was made part of a Gau [District]. The position of Gauleiter was given only to those men who, born in combat, had conquered their territories by themselves.

In this way, fighting, working and constantly ready for action, the apostles of National Socialism stood up in all parts of Germany. They drove around relentlessly, always talking, always fighting. They were hard, coarse and rough men, not at all easy to get along with, often stubborn and individualistic. But how else could they have performed the almost superhuman task of preparing the ground for the planting of Adolf Hitler?

There was a time when many lawyers waited to destroy the party: there were rebels within the party, selfish, ambitious and corrupted subjects who were willing to abuse the NSDAP for their own purposes or to split and thus weaken the party. There were enemies from all sides who, full of hate and in great number, tried to crush the Movement using all possible means of lying and defaming, as well as boycott and terror; there were over-zealous party members who misunderstood the revolutionary spirit and leaped ahead endangering the Movement (as they provided the authorities with a good reason to interfere). These dangers were mastered by the Führer by virtue of his higher insight, his intelligence, his courage and determination. Today it seems like an impressive and unbelievable miracle to us, that he was able to successfully steer the small ship of his party through all those troubled waters.

The Movement was spared nothing. It had grown on fight, need, sacrifice and privation, and this made it hard and pure. A thousand times, party members were exposed to persecution. They were stripped of their brown shirts, they were beaten and thrown in jail. The filth of defamation was poured down on them, they were damaged financially, their lives were ruined and trials were aimed at wearing them down. Fights carried out in city halls left thousands of National Socialists with bleeding wounds of honor. At night, many were slain on the streets by brutish „comrades”. A pitiless determination whipped everybody through endless propaganda and election campaigns, through meetings and parades. Private life was hardly known to the National Socialist. Always on the march, serving, fighting. At the end of a success one remembered the Führer’s iron slogan: „The fight goes on“. To this command he completely devoted himself, too. On the way, many lost their courage and sank down, others lost their belief in the eventual victory and some broke down physically. Only faith kept the Movement going; faith and its symbol, the Führer, who led the way for the Movement like a banner in the middle of a chaotic fight … The hardest year however, was yet to come.

It was the year of 1932 when the opposing forces concentrated the most, demanding the very best of every man, from the Führer to the last unknown SA-man. It was the year of the elections for the Reichsprasidenten, the elections for the Reichstag, the numerous elections for the Landtag and Bürgerrat. At that time Hitler flew through Germany four times and during the 14 days of the third trip he made speeches before 49 mass assemblies. And all this was accomplished by a wave of propaganda that until then was unheard of. The year of 1932 saw the colorful changes in the cabinets of Brüning, Papen, Schleicher; and it brought the prohibition of the SA as well as a state of national emergency It was in this year that the government tried in vain to push the Führer off on a side track by offering him the position of Vice-Chancellor. In 1932 we witnessed massive losses for the National Socialists at the second elections to the Reichstag in November; we saw the constant vice of the communist wave as well as Gregor Strasser’s stab in the back; and finally we saw streams of the finest German blood shed for the rebirth of the Reich. But even that year went by and when, on the 30th of January 1933 it was announced that Hindenburg nominated Adolf Hitler Reichskanzler the entire German nation was deeply affected.

There were those who worried because of their sins against the Movement and nation. They looked into the future with a dreadful heart. Some of them preferred to grab their money and flee across the border so that they could aim their poisoned arrows against Germany sheltered in a foreign country. And then there were those who had suffered enough from the calamity of the past years. They thanked Providence that it finally had brought about a change in things.

On the 21st of March the German Reichstag met again in the Garnisonkirche in Potsdam At this historic site, a place where faded flags of glory cast shadows on the last resting place of the great King of Prussia, the festive ceremony was held that introduced a new era in German history.

Once again Germany belonged to Germans! The door to a brighter future was open1 Adolf Hitler could begin to form the Third Reich! In 1926 the Austrian National Socialists became an organizational part of the NSDAP, after years of close contact with their German and Bohemian brother parties. But whereas Adolf Hitler and his brown army won the Reich, the National Socialist Movement was brutally suppressed in German-Austria. In the Summer of 1934, when the people’s spontaneous attempt to break their chains failed, a time of immense misery began for our brothers on the other side of the border, who felt a part of Greater Germany as National Socialists. But in this case again, it became clear that terror and suppression can never kill the spirit in the hearts of those who are deeply committed. It is true that the party and its sub-divisions were dissolved and illegal activities were severely punished. It is true that it was prohibited to carry the swastika and to greet people in the German manner. But thousands were glad and ready to hold up the prohibited banner in darkness and misery just to see the dawning of a victory whose time had to come. This street of sacrifices led many through the jails of the establishment, through agony and disgrace. Many a man had to take his final journey but he went in an upright manner unbroken and with a hard look on his face. He was transformed by the knowledge that a change was ahead and he went with the words „Heil Hitler“ on his dying breath. None of the suppressive measures imposed by reactionary powers of state could hinder the constant call: „one People, one Reich, one Führer“. The call could be heard all over Austria and it found a receptive heart on the other side of the border, in the in the great homeland.

In July 1936 the Führer had tried to end the strained relations with Austria by way of an agreement. Despite all promises, the Austrian government did not give up its hostile attitude toward National Socialists. Then, on the 12th of February 1938, the Führer met with the Austrian Chancellor on the Obersalzberg and Mr. Schuschnigg agreed to grant full equal rights to Austrian National Socialists. The moment he arrived home however, Schuschnigg thought of treason. On the 9th of March he announced in Innsbruck that there would be a referendum to decide on Austria’s independence. Not only was such a procedure unconstitutional but it defied all principles of law. There was no doubt that it was impossible to conclude a just referendum in three days without any preparation and without any ballots. Schuschnigg however, never wanted the people’s honest opinion. He only used fraud and terror to secure an outcome favorable to him, on the basis of which he hoped to continue his policy of suppression against Germanness. He had forgotten that Germany under Adolf Hitler’s flag had again become a superpower that would not tolerate treachery and the enslavement of millions of German folk companions.

The curtain fell quickly on this act of shame that had lasted long enough. After a few violent attempts to put down the revolts that had started everywhere, Schuschnigg resigned on the 11th of March. Public authority now rested with Seyß-lnquart who had been a National Socialist member of the cabinet since the Berchtesgaden agreement. To resurrect peace and justice he asked for an invasion of German troops because the Marxists were planning to fish in troubled waters. The next day squadrons of German planes roared over Austrian territory, greeting National Socialist Austria with millions of leaflets. The Führer, along with soldiers of the German armed forces who crossed the border everywhere, returned to his home country in triumph. The yearning call had finally come true: „one People, one Reich, one Führer“. The next day there was but one cry of gratitude and the crowd cheered as the Führer moved into Vienna through an ocean of jubilant, flag-waving people. Clearer than any referendum, the Germans in Austria had spoken when they carried Adolf Hitler through his home country on waves of exaltation in those unforgettable days in March. The outcome of the referendum that had been scheduled for the 10th of April was nothing more than another affirmation of a perfect fact. It could only reveal the overwhelming support for the Greater German Reich and its founder and Führer.

It was not an idea alone with the dynamic power to break down the bastions of the old system that had conquered Germany, and it was not only through powerful speeches in which the Führer had hammered the new Weltanschauung into the hearts and brains of the new generation; it was the personality of Adolf Hitler that from the very beginning had been the driving force behind the idea. His personality had guaranteed success. The unique appearance of the Führer and the power of his charisma are grounded in the totality of his genius and in the harmony of his personality; that rare combination chosen by Providence to bring about a change in world history. As dazzling as may seem the contrasts in the Führer’s genius and the variety of the interests to which he is attracted and which he masters, it is exactly this multitude of mutually supporting talents and inclinations that coalesce into the harmony and gigantic perfection of his genius. Thus the Führer, whose roots are in the fine arts made his way into politics filled with the brave virtues of a soldier. He topped the creations of a politician with the military success of a general. His creative imagination which endows him with grand concepts and plans, is tamed by a razor-sharp logic and an extraordinary instinct for reality. His sense for the needs and necessity of everyday life is as clear and unclouded as his opinion in all fields of arts and estheticism. He has the political attitude of a soldier so his warfare has to yield to political necessities. He elevated leadership in governing and war into the art of governing and the art of war. Therefore, it is only logical that the Führer had already finished an outline of his cultural program and had made plans for huge buildings and revolutionary urban projects at a time when he was still fighting for the political power in Germany; at a time when he had to battle the corrupting influences of the Jewish-Marxist system, sometimes even by using brute force. It is only logical that later on, when he installed an armed force and formed the domestic and foreign policies of the new Reich, he began to carry through all the cultural plans. Thus, he gave new impetus to German art and prepared the ground for an economic upswing.

Cool and calculating minds could not follow the Führer until actual events proved his prophecies correct and made the iron logic in his line of argumentation visible. Thus, his claim to leadership was supported by the facts as well as by success. But long before all this became clear, thousands had believed with all their heart in this man who despite actual circumstances, had promised to resurrect beloved Germany and to guide the way to unknown magnitude. But it was not the words that the masses believed in, it was the man, the personality Adolf Hitler. This was the secret process by which during the time of fighting he attracted fighters from all Districts like a magnet, by virtue of his personality. He welded them together in a blood brotherhood and thus won the Reich.

Today the whole German nation, not only looks up to the Führer with deep admiration, but it is ready to sacrifice everything and feels deep love for the father of the nation; feelings that are mainly grounded in Adolf Hitler’s humane nature. This man rose out of the people and thus has an understanding for the worries and concerns of the people. It shines down on the masses and fills them with faithful confidence to see this man’s solidarity with them, his loyalty towards his fellow combatants, his distinct sense for justice, his deep feelings for the great and beautiful and his immense goodness of heart that shines through even if, in national interest, he has to make adamant decisions. What makes the personality of Adolf Hitler so special, however, is the shining example he gives the people every single day. The people know that the Führer demands the most from himself and never demands anything from anybody that he is not ready to do whenever it needs to be done. The people are content in the knowledge that his work and whole existence belong to Germany and that he himself sacrifices his private life. Thus, in the best sense of the word he leads the way for his people as a standard bearer – visible for everybody, the Führer of the nation, the founder of the Reich, the pioneer of a new era!

„Der Stürmer“ wishes you successful year 128 (2016)!


Die NS Idee-1

Black Friday – November 9, 1923

by Hermann Göring

9. November 1923

In Bavaria the Party had already reached its zenith. At the same time the Bavarian Government Party considered that the time had come to exploit the general discontent with the Berlin Government: they would move to the attack and therewith split the Reich. Hitler himself was firmly resolved to prevent this happening and to use the disgust with Berlin to organize a united and general attack against the Government of the Reich as such. The events which led up to the so-called Hitler Putsch are well known and it would take up too much space to describe them here. On the 9th November, 1923, on the fifth anniversary of the shameful November revolt, it was planned to strike the decisive blow. Confidently trusting the solemn promises of von Kahr, Lossow and Seisser (Government, Army and Police), Hitler, in the night from the 8th to the 9th November, proclaimed the new Germany and declared the Government of the Reich to be removed from office. On the following day the march to Berlin was to have started. We know today that Herr von Kahr, as representing Catholic and Wittelsbach tendencies, had planned quite a different action for the 12th November. And so the movement, without knowing it, had, by its action, saved the unity of the Reich.

At about noon on the 9th November the first of the unarmed marching and singing columns of the fighters for freedom were treacherously shot down by the police near the Feldherrnhalle in Munich. Eighteen sacrificed their lives and many more were wounded. Beside Hitler marched General Ludendorff, and beside Ludendorff myself as commanding officer of the Storm Troops. Hitler and Ludendorff were saved as by a miracle. I myself fell, seriously wounded by two shots. Abruptly and brutally the rattle of the machine-guns had wrecked the rejoicings and had murdered the hope of freedom. Once more, as has happened several times in German history, treachery prevented victory. The young movement which had only just sprung up, seemed already destroyed. The followers were dispersed, the leaders in prison, wounded or in exile. To the weak, once more discouraged, it seemed as if Germany was now finally lost.

But it soon became clear that these sacrifices had not been in vain. The seed sown in blood began wonderfully to put out shoots. The fighters the activities, were united more firmly than ever. Hitler himself was stronger, more experienced, more confident in the future than ever before. During his imprisonment the situation seemed hopeless. But he had hardly been released when the enormous attractive force of this leader and prophet became apparent. He took the banner into his own hands again, and immediately the old fighters gathered round him afresh and thousands of new ones as well. The movement was now established not only in Bavaria, but also in North Germany. With the march to the Feldherrnhalle in Munich the young movement had made its entry into world history, and had taken over the leadership and direction of the struggle for freedom, honour, work and bread which was now beginning. For the future no other organization could lay claim to the same position. It was a Middle-class Government which had given the order to shoot down the soldiers of National Socialism at the Feldherrnhalle. And therewith many honest German workers lost the last traces of mistrust towards the movement. The Middle Class parties could no longer take in the people with the lie that they represented the nation. At the Feldherrnhalle they had come out in their true colours, and there it was that National Socialism finally tore from the Bourgeoisie their distorted idea of Nationalism. In the same way the movement could no longer allow the Social Democrats to call themselves the representatives of Socialism. The Middle Classes had taken the sublime conception of Nationalism, which is to promote the good of the whole people, and had degraded it to jingoism, which has its roots in alcohol and in the winning of profits. In the same way the Social Democrats’ had taken the pure conception of Socialism, which means service to the community and the right of each individual to live a decent life, and had degraded it to a mere question of food and wages.

Germany was split into two hostile camps; on the one hand the Proletariat, and on the other the Middle Classes. The Middle Classes appeared as the representatives of Nationalism, hated by the workers as the symbol of compulsion and oppression; the Proletariat, hated and feared by the cowardly Bourgeoisie, appeared as the symbol of destruction and the abolition of private property. The two ideas seemed mutually exclusive and inevitably opposed to each other. lf the one side seemed to offend against the nation, then the other side offended against the people. There could be no bridge built between the two parties; there could be no reconciliation. Hitler saw that the distortion of these two ideas had brought about the division of the people, and that as long as they remained distorted no unity was possible. Therefore he took the symbols from both parties and melted them in the crucible of our philosophy to make a new synthesis. The result was National Socialism, which is the unique and indissoluble union of the two ideas at their deepest and finest. He explained to the workers that there can be no socialism, no socialist justice, unless one is prepared to recognize the good of the whole nation. He who would better the lot of the individual must be ready to better the lot of the whole nation. At the same time he convinced supporters of the Middle Classes that they could never achieve national strength and unity unless they were ready to grant each individual fellow-countryman his rights, unless they were ready to look upon the lot of each individual fellow-countryman as their own personal concern. He explained to both sides that Nationalism and Socialism are not mutually exclusive, but are absolutely necessary to each other. He thus combined both ideas to one philosophy, and he had then logically to bring the representatives of the two ideas together and to unite them and thus achieve national solidarity. And so it will always remain Hitler’s greatest merit that he did not bridge over the gulf between Proletariat and Bourgeoisie, but filled it in by hurling both Marxism and the Bourgeois parties into the abyss. Thus the ruinous war between classes and parties was brought to an end, and the unity of the nation and the solidarity of the people was achieved.

Julius Streicher’s Political Testament

My Affirmation

Julius Streicher-2a

Motto: „Confused by the parties’ favor and hatred, his historical image varied throughout history

Friedrich Schiller.

The stupidity, maliciousness and cowardice of certain contemporaries had believed that they could, and had to, degrade and misinterpret, according to content and form, my twenty-five year enlightenment work, which I have performed in word and text. Most of these critics have not formed their judgment through their own knowledge, rather through an obliging babbling of the opinion of another. These notes, in the most difficult time of the German folk, are dedicated for reflection to these questionable contemporaries and judges and all those who want to know it.

Mondorf in Luxemburg, House of the Internees
Summer 1945
Julius Streicher

Call of Destiny

I was a village lad of five years of age when, for the first time, I heard the word ‘‘Jew”. I heard it from the mouth of my mother. She had selected, ordered and paid in advance for fabric for a suit for my father from a peddler according to a sample shown. When then the shipment had arrived, the fabric was not of the color and quality of the sample. My mother felt deceived and we children cried with her.

When I then went to school and in religion class heard from the mouth of the priest about the martyrdom of the savior of Christiandom, I was filled with horror by the report that the Jews, in light of the blood-drenched savior, had felt no pity and were not satisfied with the torture of the prisoner, and even demanded crucifixion, even though the Roman governor Pilatus could refute the accusation that Jesus, with his struggle against the Jewish Pharisees, had violated criminal law. In that religion class, a first suspicion came into my life that the essence of the Jew was a peculiar one.

In the year 1909, I was called from my Bavarian-Swabian home town to the municipal elementary school in Nuremberg as teacher. At that time, the struggle for the liberation from clerical school education raged with special intensity, and since the teachers believed that had found a parliamentarian aide in the democratic party, it was a quite natural development that I, as a representative of the young teachers, wanted to speak in the democratic party.

I had soon overcome my inner reluctance and now stood for the first time in my life at a political speaker’s pulpit. I spoke what I felt, spoke as an inner voice commanded me to speak. When I finished my speech, applause arose that made my cheeks turn red. A portion of the audience had not joined this applause. They stared at me with oddly questioning eyes. They had not been young lawyers. Most of them looked different than those who applauded. When I later went home at late night hour pondering, the blue-eyed deputy of the Cohn Banking House put his hand on my shoulder and said with his life wisdom: „Streicher, let me tell you something. I work in a Jewish business. I have learned to remain silent in moments when my German heart would have gladly spoken, and I often speak in moments in which I would gladly remain silent. The Jews are indeed small in number, but they are great in the power that they have achieved economically and politically, and this power is dangerous. You, my dear Streicher, are still young and ambitious and speak your mind. But always remember what I have told you: The Jew’s are a power and this power is dangerous, very dangerous!”

In the following time, I often had to remember this wise warning man, and today, too, I must do that again in the house of the internees in Mondorf in Luxemburg.

Already soon after the start of the First World War, voices became loud that the mass of Jews obligated to military service keep their lives safe away’ from the front in the ear, but even more in war economy offices in the homeland. The order issued by the war minister in the year 1916 to the army offices for the military participation of the Jews according to number and nature, had to be rescinded, because Jewry informed the imperial government that the execution of that order would endanger the signing of the war loan. When I had thought over those events in the middle of the First World War, the childish suspicion of the existence of a Jewish question was replaced by a serious, important knowledge.

This first knowledge of the existence of a Jewish question was increased by new experiences. Already in the summer of 1918, new rumors of the imminent arrival of a political storm came from behind the front again and again, which would put a quick end to the First World War. The slogans that accompanied those rumors were the same ones, with which the enemy propaganda filled the leaflets dropped over the German trenches. German war morale, German thinking, was supposed to be brought to a final collapse. Who the secret promoters of the subversion propaganda on this side and on that side of the front were, soon became clear to me, when on the first day of the armistice, on the trenches that had now become safe, a soldier soviet with red armband and a French sergeant shook hands smiling. Both were Jews. The will of one spirit had stabbed German war morale in the back, which later had spoken from the mouth of a Jurgen Troller, of an Erich Muehsam and of a Kurt Eisner that treason against the fatherland is heroism and Germany’s defeat was his life’s work. Without having known this, the army that had remained undefeated in the battles of the World War, agitated by the cruelty of the armistice dictate and under the supervision of red soldier soviets, marched back into the shame of a betrayed homeland.

When the bloody, great crime of the revolution was past, a dull desperation fell like a huge shroud upon German mood and a deep yearning for a strong, again ordering hand filled the hearts of those who still dared to hope. More than a decade was to pass before this hope found its fulfillment like a miracle.

I, too, had returned from the First World War into this new Germany, of which the Marxist upstarts had predicted it would be a Reich full of beauty and dignity. I, too, had turned away with disgust from the event and had believed I should wait off to the side until some rescuing miracle happened. Like before the war, I lived the task of my profession as teacher and educator of German youth. But in my leisure hours, I went into rural solitude with paint and brush in order to again find the God who had created the historical greatness of the German past.

Then a voice shouted into me: You are a part of your folk and will remain that even in moments in which you believe you can no longer have any hope. You can only continue to live, if your folk continue to live, and you will perish, if you as well do not help to overcome the abyss! That was the first call of fate to me.

Is there a race question?

A coincidence led me on a December evening in the year 1918 to the inn „Kulturverein” in Nuremberg, in whose large hall a group of citizens gathered weekly. The engineer Karl Maerz, a man of the noblest character and great prestige, was the speaker. From his mouth, I heard presentations of the Jewish question that led the realization already growing within me to more and more clarification. I began to also read enlightening publications and books. When in the process I encountered the judgements that the great men of antiquity, of the Middle Ages and of the modern era had passed about the essence of Jewry and its working in the life of folks, I was deeply pleased by the discovery made and just as shocked, because I now learned that for 4,000 years there should have existed a world enemy, who managed, down to the present, camouflaged under the mask of „God’s folk”, to practice his misdeeds. The door to the final realization, however, was opened by the affirmation of the Jew Israel, who due to his services as English Minister-President was raised to the nobility as Lord Beaconsfield. In his book „Endymion”, he affirms: „The race question is the key to world history”.

So here comes from the mouth of one of the greatest men of Jewry the statement that a race question exists and that the knowledge of this question is able to clear up the often so mysterious course of world events. With this key, the constructive and destructive forces in world events should, in an examination, are made visible for those readers of my notes who are not yet even in the vestibule of knowledge.

What does one understand by race? Science answers:

„A larger life community of human beings, who in their physical form and their intellectual-psychological nature resemble each other and who pass on their physical traits and intellectual-psychological traits to their offspring through heredity, one calls race.”

Science has proven a half dozen human races, the most creative and thus most valuable, however, is the Nordic race. Science designates as Nordic race those nobly formed, tall grown, long-skull, blonde-haired, blue-eyed and light-skinned human beings, equipped with the intellectual-psychological gift of courage in the face of death, perseverance, truthfulness, loyalty, conscientiousness and formative energy. It is that blood community of human beings who survived the selection process (the physically and intellectually-psychologically incapable perished) of the Northern European Ice Age ending 12,000 years ago. This Nordic race, with its close to God spirit of humanity, created immortal values. It invented the cultivation of grain from wild growing grasses, the breeding of domestic animals, it invented the plough, the utilization of ore and revealed in its creative energy the divine calling to be the chosen race for leadership. From this Nordic race, in gray prehistory ever more peasant treks wandered down toward the south and into the southeast in order to seek new land and again become settled. If, in the following period, the high cultures of India, Persia and Asia Minor blossomed, and a Greece and Rome could arise, whose creations, in their beauty and might, even in their ruins, still radiate blissfully into the present, then this is owed to the creator will and the formative energy of the Nordic race.

Folk and race are not the same thing. While a race represents a blood community of physically and intellectually- psychologically similar human beings, a folk is a community of non-equals. In a folk, there are large and small people, long- skulls and round-skulls, some with light, yellowish and brownish skin, people with blonde, brown and black hair and blue, brown and black eyes. Likewise, their intellectual-psychological nature is diverse. Over the course of millennia, the descendants of the Nordic race have almost disappeared in Europe’s southern folks in a colored racial admixture, while in the folks of Northern Europe they still remain in substantial number, so in Germany, too.

If the Germans are even today called „Germans” by the other folks, this is a memory of the time in which Germanic man, as descendant of the Nordic race, was still the last great blood wellspring from which the other folks again and again received new creator blood.

It was Germanic blood that created for the English folk the physically so nobly formed and psychologically so intrepid, in the pursuit of its goals so tenacious and persevering human type, which invariably had to become the creator of the greatest empire of the modern era. And if it was possible that in North America, in just a few centuries, a New World grew up of such mighty formative energy and greatness, then this, too, was the deed of human beings of Nordic form and Nordic soul.

It is ancient peasant wisdom: The value of domestic animals remains preserved as long as the high breeding of the animals remains preserved. But their performance diminishes and their appearance, too, if a highly breed race is crossed with races of poor performance. That is how it is with human races, too. As long as the Nordic race propagated itself in its own blood, its physical, noble form remained preserved. But the psychological essence and hence the formative energy of the spirit as well was passed on in the offspring. But at the moment when Nordic man began to mix his blood with other races, Nordic form and Nordic essence was lost in his offspring. It is a law of nature: The high preserves itself only in the high, the sacred only in the sacred. If the barrier of this law of nature is crossed, if the races begin to mix, then the unique value of the high and valuable sinks in the swamp of the low and worthless.

It was the devil who brought to the legendary first human beings, Adam and Eva, the belief that man could be the same as God; because they believed the devilish insinuations, they lost their paradise. It was also the devil who put the doctrine of human equality into the world. At the moment that the first mixing of Nordic human beings with the blood of other races began, the first sin against blood happened, and original sin was born. Psychological discord and dissatisfaction, and hence misfortune, spread among human beings.

Thus the secret is no longer a secret, now we know it: Through the mixing of the blood of the Nordic race with the blood of colored human races, the Nordic creator soul, along with the Nordic noble form of body, perished in the racial swamp of the south and of Asia Minor. With the disappearance of human beings of Nordic race from those lands, their cultural creations as well invariably had to come to an end. If hence the cultures of antiquity have been passed down to our time only as ruins, then this is testimony to the racial drama that played out millennia ago: The decline of the Nordic race.

Madison Grant, the great seer in the United States of America, proclaimed in his „Decline of the Great Race”, which appeared in the year 1913, that in North America’s melting pot as well, in which the Nordic race has begun to also mate with people of colored race, creative man of Nordic race sinks inescapably into the racial swamp and with this sinking the great light is extinguished that people of Nordic race have brought into the world.

Israel Lord Beaconfield is hence right, when he says there is a race question and that, only with knowledge of it, can one light the dark that makes world history in many an event that seems incomprehensible to us.

The World Destroyer

The Jewish folk has emerged from the racial chaos of the Near East, where Nordic man, on his search for new land, encountered yellow, brown and black people and mixed his blood with these colored people. The Jewish scholar Otto Weininger affirms this in his work „Breed and Character” [„Geschlecht und Charakter”]. He writes:

„The admixture of Mongolian blood gave many Jews a yellowish skin color and the admixture of Negro blood created a long Jews the often encountered puffy lips and curly hair.”

There exists no folk, in which the plentitude of admixture is so manifest as in the folk of the Jews. The Jewish folk has absorbed blood elements of all races, to a large degree, the blood of the Nordic race as well. In every blood mixture, a mixture of intellectual-psychological values also takes place. The diversity of Jewish blood created the physical and intellectual- psychological racial type that we call Jew. But the diversity of Jewish blood also determined the uncommon path that Jewry began to take, when it elevated its „selection” to divine law and hence created that isolation that secures for the Jewish folk its preservation as folk and race down to the present day. The sacred scripture of the Jews, the Old Testament, provides information about this. In the book of Moses, chapter 17, is it reported the Jewish God Jehovah made a pact with the patriarch of the Jewish folk, Abraham, which was simultaneously supposed to be a pact for all of Jewry for eternity. The pact declaration goes like this:

„I want to establish a pact between myself and your seed and it should be an eternal pact!”

Since the pact was supposed to be made for eternity and be indissoluble, an equally permanent sign of the pact was decreed:

„Everything that is male among you, should be circumcised on the foreskin. That should be a sign of the pact between myself and you.”

There may be no doubt that only the circumcised were supposed to be recognized as pact members. It stands written:

„And whoever is not circumcised on the foreskin of the flesh, his soul should be exterminated.”

With this determination of divine selection, Jewry created for itself a camouflage that contributed to an extraordinary degree to the tolerance of Jewry by Christendom, and at certain times even caused it to defend Jewish interests.

A folk that declares itself to be God’s chosen folk must also set itself a life goal that is uncommon. In the first book of Moses, chapter 15, Jehovah speaks to Abraham:

„I want to bless your seed and multiply it like the stars in the sky and like the sand at the sea. Your seed should possess the gates to the world!”

The gates to the world! With this promise from its god Jehovah, the creation of a Jewish world domination was made a commandment for Jewry.

After the Jews, after an almost 500 year stay in Egypt, had to leave again, they sought to make the land of Canaan useful to them. It was land that had been made so fruitful by peasants, who had come from the north, that it could be said of it that, in this land, milk and honey flowed.

The gratitude that the Jews showed their host land before their departure from Egypt is reported in the second book of Moses, chapter 12:

„All first-horn from the first, sons of the Pharaoh to the first son of the prisoner in prison and the son of the maid in the mill were murdered, there was no house, in which there was not a dead person.”

The leader from Egypt had been Moses. He had not neglected to cause the folk to bring along the gold and silver treasure of the Egyptians. Already in that time, there was a sub-humanity in the folks and it kept to the Jews. It stands written:

”And with them also came much rabble folk [Pöbelvolk] from Egypt and sheep and cattle.”

This „rabble folk” was then the one that gave its blood for the Jews during the invasion of the Promised Land.

The Jewish god Jehovah took over the leadership of the war council for the conquest of the land of Canaan. In the fourth book of Moses, chapter 33, it stands written:

„And the Lord (Jehovah) talked with Moses in the domains of the Moabiter on the Jordan and spoke: When you have crossed the Jordan into the land of Canaan, you should expel all inhabitants and destroy all their altars and shrines on the heights, so that you take the land and reside in it. You should divide the land through lottery among your families.”

In the fifth book of Moses, chapter 20, Jehovah becomes even clearer:

„When you arrive in front of a city, you should offer it peace. If they reply peacefully, all the folk that is found therein should be made tributary and subordinate to you. If a city does not want to peacefully negotiate with you, then besiege it. And when the Lord, your God, puts it in your hand, you should slay with the sword everything male within it, you should let nothing live that has breath,”

And the Jews acted as their god had them told through Moses. In the fourth book of Moses, chapter 31, it stands written:

„And the children of Israel took the women of the Midianiter prisoner and their children, all their livestock, all their property and goods they robbed, and burned with fire all the cities and all the villages, and took all the booty and everything that could to taken, people and livestock.”

The Jewish Field-Marshal Moses, however, was not satisfied with that, for it stands written:

„And Moses became angry at the leaders of the army and spoke to them: Why did you let all the women live: So strangle now everything that is male among the children, all the women who have known and slept with men; but all the children who are female and have not known men, let them live for yourselves!!!”.

Two questions arise: Can a god who has made a pact only with the Jewish folk and who commanded this folk the most horrible plundering and extermination of other folks simultaneously also be the god of the Christians, who through his priests has charity preached?

Second: if „war criminals” are supposed to have ever existed, where must their teacher be sought then?

In the fifth book of Moses, chapter 11, Jehovah gives the Jews the promise:

„All places that the soles of your feet step upon, should be yours, from the desert and the mountain of Lebanon and from the waters of the Euphrates to the evening sea, should be your borders. Nobody will be able to resist you.”

That is also what came about. Nobody resisted the methods of Jewish warfare. Blossoming lands, high cultures of antiquity were destroyed and with them the folks who had created them. The race question is the key to the knowledge of that event.

When the Romans had begun to fight their battles on Greek soil, the worm of decay had already finished its work in the folk of the Greeks. Whoever of the descendants of the courageous and creative Nordic in this land had not found his end in the fraternal wars of the tribes or in the Persian wars, had for a long time already only propagated himself in children who had stemmed from women of lesser blood. The noble, in its proportions so beautiful Greek body, and the close to God spirit residing inside it, had become a rarity. Greece had become the playground of mixed-breeds and Jews, from whose intellectual- psychological baseness its beauty invariably had to perish.

But the folk of the Romans as well had already for a long time found itself in a state of dissolution. In it, too, fraternal wars and especially the war of annihilation against Carthage had caused Nordic man a blood loss from which Rome could no longer recover. The following expansion deep into Africa and Asia could no longer hide the inevitableness of the coming decline. Knowledge of the involvement that the Jews had in the decline of the Nordic folk of the Romans is affirmed by the great German historian Theodor Mommsen in his „Roman History”, the Jews in the Roman folk were „a ferment of decomposition”.

When then the promised lands on the Mediterranean had become unpromising, the Jewish gaze was directed toward the virgin north land, the land of Germanic man. Already in the first Roman colonies on the Rhine and Danube. German ethnic groups had come into contact with Jews, who, especially as suppliers of blonde human wares deep into Asia and Africa, had managed to make huge profits. But only rising Christianity finally opened to the Jewish folk the gates to the Reich of Germanic man. Germanic man’s will to resistance, arising out of instinct, was now held down by church doctrine that the Jews were God’s chosen folk and thus the bringer of salvation for mankind. Whoever trespasses against the Jews, trespasses against the commandment of charity and hence against God.

But it could not be avoided that Germanic man, tormented by Jewish interest usury, again and again arose in bloody resistance and brought about those expulsions of the Jews that even today are presented by Jew and Jew gnomes as a „dark” Middle Ages. If already back at that time, Europe’s Germanized folks were not able to free themselves forever from Jewish exploitation and physical and psychological poisoning, that was due to the rulers of that time, to the nobles, kings and emperors, whose tax collectors, advisers and personal physicians the Jews had managed to become.

The Jews still resided in the self-chosen ghettos and they still had not yet achieved what they had sought without interruption: The abolition of the Jew laws that branded them as what they were in reality, folk-alien and blood-alien. Only force, the overthrow of the state, could finally open the path for them for the rise into the state’s key positions. So it came to that first great overthrow of state in Europe, to the French Revolution. Jewish historians rightfully brag about the French Revolution as one of their greatest works. The French Revolution brought the Jews not just civil equality in France, it also had as a result the revolutions of the years 1848/49, through which was brought to a fall in Europe’s other great states the last protection laws, which had been established against the penetration of the Jews into state life. The knowledge that the French Revolution served Jewish interests was written by Goethe in his „annual market of Plunderweilern”:

„The clever folk sees a path open,

As long as order exists, it has nothing to hope for. ”

After the Jewish folk had now managed to achieve equal rights in the folks, it went about adding political power to its money power. Divide et impera („Divide and conquer”). The folks were divided into pro-nationalist and anti-nationalists, into conservatives and liberals, into denominations and free- thinking parties. In each party, the Jews made themselves wirepullers and beneficiaries. Where it proved necessary, the Jews camouflaged themselves through baptismal certificate of whatever denomination. The Jew thereby created for himself in each folk parliamentarian majorities, such as he needed at any given Lime for his political purposes. These majorities did not notice in whose service they gave their votes. But the Jew Karl Marx created the mightiest weapon for the Jewish folk through the organization of the red International of the proletariat. In the belief of thereby freeing itself from world capitalism, the international proletariat, as assault troop of the revolutions, without realizing it, again and again served the global interests of its own executioners.

But if a folk still possesses forces that cannot be beaten down from inside, then it is the blood loss of war with the following revolution that now comes into use. Dr. Jonak von Freyenwald collected in his book „Jewish Affirmations” over a thousand utterances of leading Jews, in which is admitted with brutal frankness that the First World War was not just a huge business enterprise of international high finance, rather also a means through which the German folk, still resisting the Jewish demand for world domination, was supposed to be put into a condition of impotence.

The resistance, to which the Jews see themselves exposed in all folks, is called „anti-Semitism”. Jews and Jew comrades have claimed that „anti-Semitism” is a malicious invention of German National Socialists. The Jewish leader Theodor Herzl provides the answer to thus. In his published „Diary”, he writes:

„Anti-Semitism exists everywhere that Jews in greater number come together with non-Jews. But it is brought by Jews into the lands, in which there is still no anti-Semitism. ”

With this affirmation, Theodor Herzl admits the existence of a Jewish question and he thereby also admits that the resistance resulting in the folks must be sought in the nature of the Jew. Such a realization caused him to call the Zionist movement to life with the goal: creation of a national home for all of Jewry.

The Struggle Begins

With such mental equipment of knowledge and realization, I now entered the struggle. If the German folk was to regain self- determination of its folkish and national life, then this folk had to recognize the enemy who plunged it into misfortune, and it had to realize that the energy for its rebirth, and hence the energy for its release from the chains that the enemy had put on it from inside and outside, could only come from itself.

„Come all!” So screamed the blood-red posters again and again from the advertising pillars and building walls into the „mass human being”. And they all came. The Herkules- Velodrom, the assembly-building of the Marxist organized workers, was filled with people from the factory, with men and women, with old and young. A delegate of the makers of the November Revolution spoke, of whom each knew that the power they had achieved would only last for as long as it was possible to keep the proletariat in the faith. In the faith that the revolution had really brought the people in the factory freedom from capitalist servitude. Among the thousands of unknown people, I, too, sat as an unknown. They were the worn out phrases such as one could read them day after day in the Marxist press. It was a wild agitation against everything nationalist and an obscene praise of treason against the fatherland by the International. One noted of the speaker that he himself did not believe what he said, and hence he left the hearts of the listeners cold and without movement. And hence the applause, too, that was given him at the conclusion, was cold and forced.

I reported for the „discussion”. Many thousands of questioning eyes were directed at me as I climbed up to the red curtained platform and began to speak. I no longer know what I had said. But I will never forget the storm of applause that raged around me and accompanied me out into the peace of a star saturated January night of the year 1919.

Eight days later. Again the call „to all“ and again applause for the speaker, a summoned clapping by a few proletarian hands. And again my report for discussion. „A Mr. Streicher has again appeared to speak. Should we let him speak?“ Shouts: „Let him speak!” And I spoke again. But hardly had the first words left my mouth, when shouts of protest came from the foremost chairs: „Stop! He is a provocateur! He is an enemy of the workers! Out with him!” And, spat upon and cursed by the agitated „mass human being”, I left the building reflective, in which eight days earlier I had been cheered.

But it had gotten around in the factories and inns: Here is somebody, who does not give in. One threw him out of the meeting hall, because he said the workers had been deceived, they run around, without them noticing it, on the nose-ring of capitalism, and capitalism is the Jews. He is not all so wrong about that.”

And he came again, this „one”. When the red chairman again wanted to stop me from speaking, hundreds shouted in protest: „Vote! Vote!” There was a vote. The majority voted for free discussion. Since that moment, I could now, week after week, present my political position, even if only for a few minutes, in the assemblies of the social democrats, of the independents, of the communists and Spartacists, again and again interrupted by applause. The first seed had sprouted!

Meanwhile, the treaty had been signed in Versailles, the instrument of hatred and of revenge that was supposed to cause straight-jacket and enslavement to the German folk for time eternal and hence national and folkish decline. Now my day had come! Blood-red posters screamed into the hall:

„Come all, 300 people, who know each other and who are in a mysterious manner connected to each other, rule the economic fate of the world! So affirms the Great Jew Walter Rathenau! Come to the Herkules-Velodrom! Julius Streicher will reveal the secret to you, he will tell you who the men are who enslave the sleeping people of all folks! ”

And they came, they all came. Already two hours before the beginning of the assembly, the Herkules-Veldrom was overfilled with the curious. Tens of thousands no longer found admittance and filled the broad square and the street over to the main train station. Police on foot and mounted were present in order to maintain order. I was in a very good mood as I walked through all this and then, encouraged by shouts, stepped into the Herkules-Velodrom as speaker of the first public assembly organized by myself. And I spoke. I spoke freely. „Continue to speak! Continue to speak!” I spoke until the midnight hours, and when I had ended and, bathed in sweat, had to let a storm of cheering pour over me, a silent prayer rose from my heart up to heaven. I felt it: now the path was open to the heart of the seduced, to the heart of the people in the factory, to the heart of the folk. A breech had been made in the building that the Jew Karl Marx had erected in the brains of the sleeping people.

The second mass assembly I called was broken up by a band of terrorists bribed with beer and cigarettes. My speech ended in a bloody meeting hall battle.

Meanwhile, a group of men had already formed around me, who were ready to risk their life to protect me from the terror of political criminality. When, in the third assembly I organized, paid terrorists again sought to disrupt it, they were sprayed out the doors and windows with ready water hoses. This cold shower had as a result that an assembly organized by me was never again disrupted.

The leaseholder of the Herkules-Velodrom, however, had let himself be intimidated. He denied me the hall for future assemblies. But that also had a good side. I now spoke in the large hall of the „Kultur-Verein”. People dared to venture there, who considered themselves too fine to appear in the meeting hall building of the „proletarians” and subject themselves there to bodily danger. They were people who called themselves „burghers”. They now received weekly injections (in a manner bearable for them), with the result that now at the regular drinking tables of the „better” people, too, it was discussed, whether it might not be good to now and then listen to the preacher of the new.

Not a week passed, in which I did not speak in a public Friday assembly or at the discussion evenings of those who had become loyal followers. So soon, a following of many thousands of men and women had grown. The most public and active among them had already organized themselves as a following through registration in the membership lists. They called themselves „German National-Socialist Workers Party”. Ail honestly productive German were supposed to belong to it, regardless of whatever rank and occupation and regardless of whatever religious denomination.

The Stürmer

The bourgeois daily press took no notice of the folk movement that had developed in Nuremberg. It feared business damage through the loss of advertising from Jewish businessmen.

That the Marxist press also remained silent about it, was self-evident. But soon voices arose in the Marxist camp that protested against it that one did not resist the emerging danger. The silent treatment was now replaced by ugly personal degradation and by ridicule of my speeches. But in the process, the Marxist press achieved the opposite of what it wanted to achieve. It awakened the curiosity of its readers and they came, ever more numerous, to my assemblies in order to compare what was written by the red press with what was spoken by me. So Jewish-Marxist hatred became propaganda for those whom it wanted to harm.

In order to nonetheless have an opportunity to have a public effect through a press organ as well, in the year 1920 I created my first weekly newspaper, „Deutscher Sozialist” [„German Socialist”]. I was the sole contributor of the content. This substantial increase of work was performed by me in addition to my professional activity as teacher and speaker of the movement. Often I only had a few morning hours to rest. A simple life style and growing joy in what has created made what was considered impossible possible. My own inexperience in newspapers and the indecency of somebody entrusted with publication work had as a result that my first newspaper founding collapsed after an existence of a little over a year. The same fate befell the „Deutscher Volkswille” [„German Folk Will”] created in the year 1921.

In the spring of 1923, I baptized the weekly newspaper „Der Stürmer” [„The Charger”]. It had the good luck to serve my enlightenment struggle as sharp and very successful weapon up into the year 1945, hence almost 25 years. There were times when the „Stürmer” special editions, prepared by my co-worker Karl Holz, who has meanwhile fallen at the site of our struggle, went out into the world in press runs of up to four million. The „Stürmer” had found the path to the heart of the German folk like no other paper of its kind had managed. The folk itself had become co-worker through the supply of material and through again and again inspiring assistance through distribution of the fighting newspaper. Suddenly, German men and women stood on the street corners of German cities and offered the „Stürmer” for sale. Many of them were spat upon by terrorist and crippled by beatings. Two of them died as a result of their injuries.

When the first issue of the „Stürmer” was supposed to appear, the newspaper women refused to put my fighting newspaper on their newspaper stands out of fear of terror. There was a young girl who found a solution. She went from cafe to cafe and – perhaps for the sake of the girl – the new paper being offered sold briskly. Since the sale took place without commercial permit, the police went after the brave little sales girl and gave her a small fine. But the „Stürmer” had been introduced to the public by a blonde, blue-eyed girl. Furthermore, Jews themselves became propagandists: They bought up issues of the „Stürmer” that were especially painful to them in masses.

Before the „Stürmer” developed into what it had then later become, there were still many pressing concerns. One time the debt with the printer had grown to RM 17,000. Collapse threatened. Then help came through an event that in the folk one calls „miracle”. On a postcard written by a woman’s hand without name, I was summoned at a certain afternoon hour to the zoo gate. Curiosity made me obey the mysterious summons. A girl with two blonde pigtails hanging down the side came up to me and handed me a thick letter. She responded to my question about her name and the source with an obliging smile. When I opened the letter in the editorial office – it was a small room in the print shop – twenty thousand mark banknotes were lying on the table in front of me. The „Stürmer” had escaped its distress. After the rise to power, I repeated asked in public assemblies for the kind donor to step forward so that I could perhaps help him or bring him some joy. That helper, remaining unknown, and the little messenger of back then, are remembered with gratitude in the house of the internees in Mondorf.

In the year 1935, my publisher back then, W. H., died in a Nuremberg hospital. I had not concluded any written contract with him, and now that he was dead, his widow declared the „Stürmer” as her property. In order not to have to go to court and not put into question the continued publication of the fighting newspaper, I bought back my property for RM 45,000. A Nuremberg businessman had put the money at my disposal in exchange for a statement of liabilities.

The „Stürmer” soon had an effect far beyond Germany and it is typical that my fighting newspaper also found imitation there, both in the form of the content as well as in the form, in the manner, in which it presented itself. „Stürmer” weeklies emerged in Denmark, North America, South America, South Africa, India, Japan and Mandschuko.

When the „Stürmer” is discussed, that man must also be remembered, who with his talented drawing pencil proved himself a valuable co-worker. „Fips” is inseparable from the „Stürmer”. His life path is as unusual as the moment that led him to the „Stürmer”. As the son of a Nuremberg factory worker, he joined the navy as a volunteer of the World War at the age of 16. As „Red” sailor, he was pulled into the revolution at the end of the war. On an adventurous route, he then reached Triest. After he had earned the necessary means in a brewery there, he traveled to Argentina, where he supervised the Indians in a vast region, who had to watch the cattle herds of the owner, a wealthy Jew in Buenos Aires. In this broad isolation of a foreign land, he practiced drawing with a pencil. Then he traveled over to the big city and earned his first pennies as born artist with caricatures for the press there. Yearning then drove him back to Germany with his wife and two children. The social democratic newspaper „Frankische Tagespost” had assigned him to mock me, the accused in a court case, in his drawing. But when he could now, for the first time, see the man with his own eyes and hear him with his own ears, whom his red bosses hated, he had the drawing turned over to me through the court usher. My opponent, the democratic mayor, was portrayed as skeleton with hanging head. The Jewish court official Süssheim standing in front of him gazed at him full of pity and said: „Embarrassed down to the bones.” The „Stürmer” issue with this drawing was confiscated, which had as a result that the next press run increased many fold. Since then, „Fips” drew for the „Stürmer” up to spring 1945. Whether he was also taken into custody as a „war criminal”, is unknown to me at this moment.

I had never had the desire to be understood by members of a so-called „intelligentsia“ in my „Stürmer” work and to be praised by them in my public speeches. In my enlightenment work, I wanted to seize the working man in his mass, pull him along and win his heart. The man of the workday is simple in his thinking and great in his feeling. He wants one to talk to him like he himself talks and wishes to speak: Open, honest, without ambush! I also trained my co-workers in the „Stürmer” and in the party for such a manner speaking and writing. One of my best helpers had been Ernst Hiemer, who has now also been shown the honor of being imprisoned.

Where there is light, there is also shadow, and where there is planing, shavings also fall. It would have been unnatural, if the „Stürmer” had not also made mistakes. Only people who are themselves without inner life and would have been unable to perform a 25 year long „Stürmer” work, cling pettily to this or that mistake and in the detail like to ignore the big picture. These critics do not notice at all how they themselves thereby provide testimony to pettiness and wretchedness.

The greatest recognition for my work has come from the mouth of the enemy. After my arrest, a Jewish police officer said: „You set an entire world ablaze with your ‘Stürmer’.”

Adolf Hitler Speaks!

„Have you already heard Adolf Hitler speak?” I had been asked again and again for some time. And when this happened again, it seemed to me as if fate had again directed a call at me.

It was on a winter day in the year 1922. I sat there again in a public assembly as an unknown among unknown. I sat in a mass assembly in the meeting hall of the „Bürgerbraus” on Rosenheimerstrasse in Munich, A tremendous tension of anticipation was lying over the mighty assembly hall.

Suddenly, the call came from outside: „Hitler is coming!”, as if struck by the ray of a mysterious force, many thousands of men and women rose from their seats, raised up their right arm as blessing, and like the shout of a primal force, the cry „Heil Hitler” roared again and again toward the man approaching. With effort, those accompanying him cleared a path for him through the pushing masses of people.

When he now stood at the pulpit and, with a face glistening with joy, gazed across the raging enthusiasm, I felt that there must be something special about this Adolf Hitler! The storm of enthusiasm had been replaced by an oddly expectant silence.

Now he spoke. At first, slowly and hardly any emphasis, but then ever faster and more forceful, and finally escalating to great strength. What was said, was the revelation of a deep knowledge of the cause that plunged the German folk into its misfortune, and it was the revelation of a deep belief in God, which from the strength of German spirit and of German heart will break the chains of slavery, when the time has come. It was a tremendous wealth of thoughts that came from his mouth in a more than three-hour speech, clothed in the beauty of talented speech.

Each felt it: This man speaks from a divine calling, he speaks as delegate of heaven in a moment in which hell opened up to devour everything.

And all had understood him, with the brain and with the heart, the men and also the women. He had spoken for all, for the whole German folk. It had been the last hour before midnight, when his speech ended with the solemn admonishment: „Workers of mind and of fist! Join hands in a German folk community of heart and of deed!”

„We assemble to pray before God the Just!” [„Wir treten zum Beten vor Gott den Gerechten!”] Never before had I heard this song sung so ardently pleading and so full of faith and hope, and never before had the singing of the „Deutschland- Lied” [German National Anthem] moved me so deeply, as it happened in that mass rally, in which, for the first time, I saw Adolf Hitler and heard him speak. I felt it: in this moment, fate had called me for the second time! I rushed through the cheering masses to the podium and now stood in front of him: „Mr. Hitler! I am Julius Streicher! At this hour I know it: I can only be a helper, but you are the Führer! I hereby hand over to you the folk movement created by me in Franconia.”

Questioning, he gazed at me from the blue depth of his eyes. There were long seconds. But then, he took my hands with great warmth: „Streicher, I thank you!”

So fate had called me the second time. But this time it was the greatest call in my life.

The Nurembergers are stubborn people and hence they had only been Bavarians, because one made them that with white- blue border posts. Because they say that no human being can be perfect, they also did not believe in the infallibility of the Pope. Martin Luther found an especially friendly welcome among them, and when it came down to deciding, they did not join the Catholic Flabsburgs, rather the Protestant Swede Gustav Adolf.

They also never kept their orientation a secret, when Napoleon Bonaparte put Germany in chains and his regents harassed the folk. It was the Nuremberg book dealer Friedrich Palm who published the book „Germany in Its Lowest Debasement”, and then had to suffer a martyr’s death for his courage of conviction in Braunau am Inn, where Adolf Hitler was born 85 years later.

The Franks were more than a little amazed, when they then learned what had played out in Munich. Many said I had betrayed Franks to the Jesuits, and others asked whether I thought anything good would come from a born Austrian. But the 150% Nurembergers scolded that it should have been the other way around, not the Nurembergers should have had to go to Munich, rather the Munich people to Nuremberg.

So Hitler’s reception in the first public assembly in Nuremberg was not yet overly pleasing. The distrust against the „cloaked Jesuit” Adolf Hitler, who supposedly received his orders straight from the Vatican, soon had to make room, however, for the conviction that this here was no „Austrian”, no „Vatican man”, also no „provocateur in the hire of big capitalism”, rather a man from the folk, who had his heart in the right place and with his clear head knew what he wanted. So Adolf Hitler’s first appearance in Nuremberg had been a great success: Nuremberg and Munich had joined together with their hearts! The bridge to Northern Germany was erected!

Everywhere in Germany, an awakening now began. Workers of the mind and of the fist become preachers, men who never in their life would have thought of one day daring to speak in public. A wonderful energy emanated from the name Adolf Hitler, so that even those who had never seen the man Adolf Hitler now became his disciples. It is a movement of the hearts that encompasses all and even makes the women loyal, inspiration helpers. But the youth joins the brown front and, with laughing eyes, radiates the good fortune that begins to evolve for the German folk.

Terrible, oppressive mood weighed down on Germany at that time. From outside, a pitiless enemy, who had allegedly concluded „peace” with Germany in the year 1919, scorned, and, in the interior of the dismembered Reich, the devil rampaged. Germany had been made tributary by the „hand of Judah”. Its work on the field and in the factory was still only for payment of the tribute to the victor and slave-master. But how gladly would the German folk have worked again, if it just had an opportunity for it. The machines were silent, because raw materials were lacking, and where they existed, work was not allowed, because the wire-pullers of mass strikes wanted it so. From outside, the blockade disrupted import, and what the German field produced, did not suffice for all. Babies grabbed in vain for the mother’s breast, it was empty. Many hundreds of thousands of men, women and children died from malnutrition, they died from starvation.

The dollar had been elevated to king. The German mark fell, fell from one day to the next. „Proletarians” had become millionaires over-night, and finally, for what one could yesterday still purchase for I million, one today had to pay one billion and already tomorrow I trillion. The devil had put on his fool’s cap. And the driven, the agitated, did not know how to recognize this devil.

Unwashed, with tattered clothes and dark faces, the tormented ’’mass human being” moved through the streets and sought his tormentor, but did not find him. A tremendous sultriness was lying over Germany. One said it to the other and all repeated it after the other: „things can’t go on like this, something must come, and soon already, better an end with horror than horror without end.” But those who had begun to believe again looked with hope at Munich with the fearful question: „Have things gone far enough, can he already dare what must be dared sooner or later?”

Hitler’s Rescue Attempt

It was a dismal, moist, cold, foggy day, when I drove in a friend’s automobile to Munich in order to participate. The date was November 8, 1923. Adolf Hitler had just fired an alarm shot in the meeting hall of the „Bürgerbräukeller”, where a satiated, bourgeois world had gathered in order to listen to State Commissar von Kahr under the protection of a large police contingent. Unhindered, he walked through the shocked-to- death assembly and now proclaimed, in clear words born by deep seriousness and deep determination, the beginning of the „national revolution”.

It laid over the assembly like a redemption, when Mr. von Kahr put his hand in Adolf Hitler’s hand and assured his assistance. His Police Minister did the same thing. The assembly dissolved itself and lost itself in the November night. But Mr. von Kahr still sat for a long time at the table in the next room together with General von Ludendorff and Adolf Hitler, and when he then departed to his automobile after giving his word of honor, I felt a stab in my heart: „Hitler! Did you see the gaze of his dark eyes? He is a perjurer, he is a traitor!”

We had separated, and when I entered the room again around midnight, in which the general and the corporal front the World War conferred, I saw the concern on their faces. And then the reports rushed in. When Hitler had returned in the second hour after midnight from his reconnaissance trip into the city, it had become a certainty. The word of honor had been broken, the desired deed betrayed! The orders, signed by Mr. Kahr, went through the police stations and barracks.

Around the third hour after midnight, I delivered an address to the soldiers of the war school, standing ready for the beginning of the „national revolution” under their commander Robert Wagner. Youthful enthusiasm was in their faces when I had ended. Adolf Hitler had listened from a balcony, and when his gaze struck me, a deep pain laid itself upon my heart.

When the first, still faint morning light of November 9, 1923 came through the windows of the „Bürgerbräukeller”, I made the suggestion to Hitler to still try it through whipping up the masses. He dictated an order into the machine, which turned over to me the propaganda now to be made. In good spirits, a column of trucks occupied with SA people then drove into the city. At the square in front of the Marxist newspaper „Münchener Post”, I delivered my first address: „The national revolution races through the land. Now there are no longer any parties, there are still just Germans. Workers of the mind and of the fist! Shake hands! Break the chains of slavery in which the world capitalism of the Jews and their helpers have brought us! Germany Awake!”

The unexpected happened: The thousands who stood on the red square sang the Deutschland-Lied with us.

The workers rushed in from the construction sites, the employees from the business houses, and whoever crossed the path, did not go any farther, each wanted to know, each wanted to hear. It was an uplifting feeling to experience how the folk went about standing by those who wanted to deliver the death blow to the shame and the misery.

It was the twelfth hour of midday, when I had ended my speech on the broad space in front of the Feldherrnhalle amidst tens of thousands of cheering people. A ray of sunlight had just broken through the dark wall of clouds and made a red-brown dove flying from the Theatiner Church even redder: It came from my mouth like a premonition: „See the dove up there! It is as if its blood-red garb proclaims the difficulty of the coming moment.”

An hour later, the swastika flag that had stood next to me during my speech was lying in the blood of those who had carried it. It became the „blood flag” of the movement.

When we now rushed to the „Bürgerbräukeller” at high speed, the thousands who wanted to set off on the march into the city already stood ready. I went back to the fourth row. As we approached the Ludwigsbrticke, I hurried to the point of the procession. The police, who had shouldered their rifles, were overpowered. Well, I remained at the point of the procession. Behind me was the blood flag and in the first row next to it were Erich Ludendorff and Adolf Hitler. It was an almost solemn pace that we marched.

On both sides of the street, people stood congested like walls. Men with serious, questioning gaze and women with babies on their arms. Many had raised their right arm in greeting. One saw tears of joy and also tears of surmising knowledge that somewhere death waited for this or that one of us. But the boys and girls who stood closest to us shouted with all their might: „Heil Hitler”, „Heil Ludendorff’ and „Germany Awake!”

Many citizens looked down from the windows without inner movement. For them, this procession was an event of which one takes note, being curious, just to then return to the daily routine. Flags with swastika on white disk and red background hung from many windows: Hitler flags!

When the column had turned onto the Max-Joseph-Platz and then marched on with gaze to the Ludwigstrasse, everybody knew that one now needed a stout heart: From the residence to the Feldherrnhalle, a gray human wall of police soldiers, with rifles made ready to fire, blocked the exit to the Ludwigstrasse! We saw the danger and now there was no longer any going back. We were drawn as if by the mysterious force of a tremendous magnet and an inner voice commanded: Onward! Onward!

With revolver in hand, I had jumped toward the wall: „Do not shoot! Behind us are Hitler and Ludendorff!” Then the first salvo already blasted into the street. 16 dead were lying on the pavement. The dead of the „Eternal Watch”! The swastika flag that had proceeded them has received its consecration in their blood.

The rifles fell silent and when the last shout of „murderers” had faded, a horrible silence fell over the street.

Adolf Hitler sat upright in his vehicle, holding his dislocated left arm with the hand of his right arm, but next to him, stretched out on a stretcher, was a bleeding child. He thus left the square from whose blood the monument at the Feldherrnhalle should one day arise: „And you have nonetheless triumphed!”

Already in the night of the same day, I was arrested by detectives in the train on the trip to Nuremberg and locked up in a medieval dungeon. Many thousands of people had gathered on the train station square in Nuremberg, and when I mounted the prisoner vehicle, the shout did not want to end: „Streicher Heil! Heil Streicher!”

As I paced back and forth during the long hours of not being able to rest in my prison cell, I suddenly saw in a dark corner, written with red pencil, the words: „Have sun in the heart, whether storms or snows!” I would have gladly shaken the hand of this donor of encouragement. The old defiance of laughing endurance had again arisen within me. And when then, in addition, from some neighboring cell, the song, sung with a woman’s voice, „Where the Alp roses glow”, reached my isolation, I would have gladly given to this singer the red roses, which true love had given me through the cold hands of a prison guard.

„You are free! I have orders to tell you that you must immediately, without arousing commotion, go home!” I had already envisioned myself as „traitor” with a long prison sentence and now this surprise! Like a bird that is long unaccustomed to freedom, I first sought to come to my senses. But then I hurried up the stone steps, out into the night of November 10, 1923. Suddenly the shout: „Heil Streicher!” Already after a few seconds, I stood in the middle of happily stirred women and men. And already at the next moment, I stood on a table, up there in the infamous meeting hall of the „Beckengarten”. „Hitler lives! The blood has not flowed in vain!” Then I hurried home to the children and their mother.

Just as I was sitting at lunch, the telephone rang: „The streets are full of people, they shout your name again and again!” I could no longer hold myself back, jumped into the automobile and drove into the city, past the posters, upon which martial law was announced. And down from the automobile, I spoke to the masses pushing their way through the Konigstrasse. It would have taken just one word, and the storm would have broken loose. That was November 11, 1923.

In Landsberg

I fled out of the city. When I came together with like-minded people for a secret conference, I was betrayed, arrested and taken to Landsberg. Here I was a cell neighbor of party comrades Amann and Major Hühnlein and many more.

Because I had shouted ”Heil Hitler” through the peephole of a cell, in which I had been housed during the first period of Adolf Hitler’s imprisonment, I was punished with loss of the stroll in the prison courtyard. The director did not understand how an educated person could make himself guilty of such a lack of discipline.

The government in Munich urged the prison doctor to declare Adolf Hitler mentally ill. The doctor refused, was sent into retirement and then died as a decent person. Hitler has repeatedly remembered this prison doctor and spoken of him with great respect. In prison, Adolf Hitler wrote his great affirmation: „Mein Kampf’.

Destruction of Existence and Slandering of Honor

The party had been dissolved since November 9 and public recruitment for it banned. So it was a happy surprise, when in spring of 1924 the election as delegate to the Bavarian Landtag [Provincial Parliament] brought me the opportunity, under protection of immunity, to be able to proclaim my National Socialist conviction from the platform of the parliament. In this house, I felt like a pike in a pond of carp that had grown fat.

Among the social democratic delegates, there was a, racially quite fine looking, one who possessed the courage to attack me while leaving the parliament building. When, after the National Socialist rise to power in the year 1933, he had become unemployed, I made sure that he was again given his office of director of tourism in Nuremberg.

The Jew Alberti-Sittenfeld wrote in the year 1883 in the magazine „Gesellschaft” [‘‘Society”]:

„Whoever dares to take up the struggle against the Jews, they will take away the basis of his existence and combat him with bestial brutality and with the vilest means so for long until his nerves fail him and he gives up the struggle.”

I had to learn quite soon that he had stated the truth. In the Bavarian Landtag, a majority of all colors and views came together against me; they revoked my immunity so that the government could discipline me through removal from office. I was then sentenced by the disciplinary court, which itself stood under compulsion, to dismissal from my post as teacher. The justification for the verdict had been very decent.

Again and again, I was indicted by the state prosecutor for „blasphemy and religious misdemeanors”. The Jews had managed to be granted the protection paragraph of the Christian denominations, and so it was possible to interpret my struggle against the Jewish race as religious misdemeanor. At first, there were fines, then jail sentences, which I received.

There were many judges who were visibly pained by being compelled by the paragraphs to condemn me. In many verdicts, the purity of my political struggle was acknowledged.

In one of my bigger trials, which I had to endure, my opponent had been, at the time back then, a very prominent, and in the democracy, very valued personality. According to Munich pattern, my opponent had in a handwritten letter to the state prosecutor demanded one should, through official medical decree, declare me mentally ill. It is owed to a minor official that the devilish plan became known to me in time. I alarmed the public in a leaflet and thwarted my enemies’ plan. But after the rise to power, I proposed for the state prosecutor, who had called me „very dangerous” in that trial and thus aimed for the famous paragraph 52, promotion to Court President in Bamberg.

When creation of the gold mark had replaced inflation, one believed on the Jewish side that the material distress, in which I found myself, would exhaust me. Through intermediaries, to whom large sums had been assured, one offered me several hundred thousand gold marks and a villa in Switzerland, if I would disavow my struggle. I was happy to see my struggle, already in its beginning, valued so highly.

When the bribery attempts remained unsuccessful, the means of slandering of honor came into action. A bribed unemployed man testified in a libel trial that I had had intimate relations with his divorced wife. The wife could proof that she had first become acquainted with me in the courtroom. The slanderer was convicted.

When I sat in prison again, my lawyer handed me a leaflet that went through the city and claimed that, during the First World War, I had raped a French teacher and the author of this report had seen it himself. During the libel proceedings, the leaflet author repeated his claim under oath. He had probably reckoned that the French woman allegedly raped by me could not be located after such a long time and produced as witness. The state prosecutor approved my request for initiation of a case for perjury. During her examination, the already quite old French woman could proclaim that she had never in her life spoken to me. The slanderer was arrested. Betrayed by his cohorts denied their Judas reward, it came out. The perjuring slanderer had received RM 30! Precisely twenty silver coins, just like Judas Iscariot had once been paid out! But the newspapers, which had played up and spread the slander across all of Germany, refrained from taking note of the criminal’s conviction. Whose interests these newspapers served was clearly visible from this behavior.

In still another way, one had tried to get at my nerves. A representative of Jewry had betrayed to a presumed confidant in the Nuremberg police department that one had tried in vain to tempt me, on my assembly trips through Germany, into the net of a paid Esther.

The leaflets, in which I was again and again accused of illicit love, reach into the dozens. Finally, one still tried to brand me „child molester” and „homosexual”.

The defamation actions were probably the most difficult thing that I had to bear in my 25 year long enlightenment struggle. It was a big surprise for my opponents that my nerves did not fail and I again and again urged my co-workers: The struggle goes on!

Now the very last means was supposed to be put to use: Murder! A kind providence allowed me to survive such attempts at annihilation as well, be it, that in the year 1921, on an assembly trip through the occupied region, I was supposed to be thrown from the train, be it in meeting hall battles or at moments when, late at night, I stepped to the door of the apartment building on whose 5th floor I resided. All the bullets meant for me missed.

But the defamation campaigns against me had a good side, they were a propaganda that filled my assembly buildings even where one had not expected it, and brought people to me as listeners who could be torn from their lethargy only by curiosity.

The Struggle Goes On

The judges were deeply moved, when Adolf Hitler had called to them to free the co-defendants, he took sole responsibility for everything that happened, full responsibility. After nine months, he, too, left Landsberg prison „on probation”.

In Munich, he was still banned from speaking, hence he came to Nuremberg. There was indescribable jubilation, which received him and accompanied him out of the city again. When the rally in front of the hotel „Deutscher Hof’ did not want to end and the Deutschland-Lied resounded up to him again and again, he was deeply moved. Again and again, he opened the window and greeted gratefully. When he then gave me his hand, he said: „There is only one Nuremberg.”

The invasion by the French had brought great agitation to all of Germany. Reports of atrocities by white and black soldier rabble increased day by day. The best of the German youth rushed over to the tormented region. Volunteers from the First World War and those who, due to their youth, could not be one. But above all stood the name Leo Schlageter. He died a hero’s death, fallen by French bullets, on the heath near Düsseldorf. Under the protection of French soldier rabble, Jewish communist leaders, in secret agreement with Marxist government officials in Berlin, organized a rebellion against the unoccupied portion of the Reich. German Freikorps beat it down.

But in unoccupied Germany as well, the fire of rebellion ignited anew again and again. Mass strike followed mass strike. Unemployment reached huge dimensions. An army of eight million was counted. The buildings where they collected their welfare were overfilled. Curses and imprecations threatened those who wanted to help, but could not help.

In the 1880’s, an anti-Semitic movement had arisen in Germany that was much talked about. In order to harm it in the public eye, three Jews set fire to a synagogue and a certain press blamed this desecration on the evil Jew-haters. But it was a shot in the foot. Jews were identified as the culprits and given severe sentences.

Because on the Jewish side one knew how sensitive the public reacts to crime that is committed against religion, cemetery desecration was invented and reported continuously. Hardly a week passed in which overturned gravestones were not reported and „swastika guys” [„Hakenkreuzler”] suspected as culprits. The „swastika guys” were free game for the system police back then, and, given their eagerness to serve the Jews, they would have known how to find „Nazi” people, if such could be proven to be the culprits. Here, too, it was not difficult to recognize where the „cemetery desecrators” were to be sought and could have been found.

A social democratic worker in a town in Franconia – driven by his conscience – reported to a party dignitary after 1933 that the „cemetery desecration”, blamed by the red newspaper on the National Socialists, had been carried out on Jewish orders. One hence sought by such low methods in the period of struggle to degrade the ever more strongly rising National Socialist movement through sensitive publicity.

Mass marches on the streets! Mass rallies on public grounds! Here the red flag of rebellion, there the flag with the swastika! Here the communist, there the National Socialist. Horst Wessel is murdered in Berlin by a red gang led by the Jewess Kuhn! The „Horst Wessel” Song, song by millions of hopeful Germans, raises to the heavens! The parties have increased to half a hundred! Election follows election! Everything remains the same!

Reich Party Day 1927 in Nuremberg. The city of the Reich Days of old imperial glory has become the ceremonial site of the National Socialists. The hope of the devout grows, the hatred of the seduced, however, is boundless. Germans against Germans. The number of the murdered and crippled is large and gets ever larger. Lord God in heaven, where have you remained?

The Nuremberg Law

Every folk has the right and the duty to give itself laws that is recognizes as necessary for its preservation. The Jewish leader Moses, at the beginning of the war that made the promised land of Canaan booty for the Jews, had given the law:

„You shall not give your daughters to the folks of the land that yon enter, and your sons should not make the daughters of foreign folks their wives.”

This law of Moses thus forbade the mixing of Jewish blood with the blood of foreign folks and thereby secured the continued propagation of the Jewish gene pool and the preservation of the typically Jewish physical and intellectual-psychological unique kind for time eternal. This law is hence a protection law for the preservation of the Jewish race.

After Canaan’s conquest, the Jewish race protection law given by Moses was no longer respected by many Jews. They had made the daughters of the subjugated folks their wives and bred children with them. In these offspring, the specifically Jewish element of the physical and intellectual-psychological essence threatened to disappear more and more. Here it was now the Jewish priest Esra, who renewed Moses’ law and thereby saved the Jewish race from dissolution. As the Book of Esra reports in chapters 9 and 10, the Jewish priest Esra convened a folk assembly, in which the violation of the laws was scorned as a serious offense and as a trespass against God:

„Since I heard such a thing, I was distraught. I spread out my hands and spoke: My God, I am ashamed and am reluctant to lift my eyes up to you, my God; for our offense has gotten the belter of us and our guilt is as great as the sky.”

Sechanja made himself the speaker of the folk assembly:

’’Indeed, we have sinned, we want to expel all women and the children from them!”

After Esra had taken their oath from them, „that they should act according to these words”, the greatest mass expulsion of all time began:

All non-Jewish women married to Jews, along with the children who had resulted from these marriages, were expelled from the Jewish folk community!

It is not known whether at that time there were Allied governments who declared that mass expulsion of women and children inhumane and engaged themselves for the expellees through summoning all their means of power.

But Esra is rightfully celebrated by Jewry as one of its greatest priests and leaders. Through the renewal of the race protection law created by Moses, he saved Jewry from ruination. The Egyptians, Persians, Greeks and Romans still only belong to history, because they did not restrict the mixing of their blood with other races. But the Jewish folk has outlived them, it lives still today, and in the 20th century, it is in the process of winning it greatest victory: World domination!

What the laws of Moses and their renewal through Esra was, and today still is, for the Jews, that is what the „Nuremberg Law” should become for the German folk. It is that law that was passed in the year 1935 by the German Reichstag and carries the designation: „Law for the protection of German blood and German honor”. „The Nuremberg Law” should be for the German folk what the law of Moses and Esra was, and today still is, or the Jews: A protection for its preservation. It should prevent that German virginity is still subjected to dishonoring by folk-aliens and German blood still mixes with Jewish. The „Nuremberg Law” was hence not an attack against another folk or another race, rather exclusively a law for the protection of the continued existence of the German folk. The „Nuremberg Law” will one day be extolled by history as the most significant work of legislation of the 20th century, and with it, its creator Adolf Hitler.

Although the Jews are careful to preserve the protection law given them by Moses and renewed by Esra, they are the ones who combat the „Nuremberg Law” passed for the protection of the German folk as an attack against Jewry and hence as a crime against „democratic freedom”. That the Jews have demanded, and also achieved, the abolition of the „Nuremberg Law” from the Allied governments, reveals how great their influence in world events has already become.

War and War Guilt

The Second World War has swept over Europe. The Führer is dead. The Greater German Reich has been smashed. German cities lie in ruins. The German folk has been surrendered to the interest slavery of its enemy. As in the First, so in the Second World War, too, English, American and Russian soldiers have been the executors. But who is the real victor of this war? Is it the folks from whom those soldiers had come?

The takeover of the government by the Führer in 1933 was for World Jewry the signal to attack. The World Jewish press agitated for the global boycott against Germany. Germany’s reply was the 24 hour boycott of Jewish businesses on April 1, 1933. No Jew lost his life in the process, and no Jewish business building was damaged. The counter-boycott, ordered by the party leadership and carried out under my leadership, was supposed to warn World Jewry against challenging National Socialist Germany.

Since that time, malicious attacks against National Socialist Germany have appeared in the world press again and again. It was unmistakable that with that propaganda in the world, carried out without interruption, the view was supposed to be bred that the existence of a National Socialist Germany meant a danger for the other folks. The Jewish writer Emil Ludwig, who emigrated to France, spoke especially clearly about Jewish wishes and intentions in the magazine „Les Annales”:

„Hitler does not want war, but he will be forced to it.”

The Polish ambassador in the USA, Count Potocky, wrote at a time when in Europe nobody thought a Second World War would come or must come, to his government in Warsaw that he had gained the impression that influential Jews in Washington would work toward a new world war. (See the German White Book.)

The report of the Polish Ambassador Potocky, whom nobody can reproach with bias against World Jewry and who also was no friend of National Socialist Germany, would alone suffice to be able to thoroughly answer the question of war guilt. The guilt for the Second World War, too, was born at the moment when god Jehovah, through the mouth of Field Marshal Moses, gave the Jewish folk the instructions:

„You should devour all the folks!”

With the defeat of National Socialist Germany in the Second World War, World Jewry has won the greatest victory in its history.

The Führer

The Führer is not dead! He lives on in the creation of his spirit close to God. It will outlast the lives of those who were damned by fate to not understand the Führer while he still lived. They will sink into the grave and become forgotten. The spirit of the Führer, however, will continue to work into time and became the savior for his enslaved folk and for a seduced mankind.

Concluding Comment

A Jewish prison director told me that it pleases him that, even in the situation in which I find myself, I stand upright for my cause. What, by that Jewish prison official, who in his testimony of respect, without wanting to, proclaimed his own decent attitude, produced amazement, is for me self-evident. I would be a dog if, at the moment I find myself in the power of the enemy, I would disavow what I have known as my conviction for over 25 years. This conviction is in agreement with the demand of the Zionist leader Theodor Herzl:

„As long as Jews are compelled to live together with other folks, anti-Semitism as well continues to exist. The world peace desired by the folks will only then be able to become a fact, if World Jewry, too, has received a national homeland.”

Mondorf, August 3, 1945
House of Internees
Julius Streicher