“If it is ‘anti-Semitism’ to say that communism in the United States is Jewish, so be it; but to the unprejudiced mind it will look very much like Americanism. Communism all over the world, not in Russia only, is Jewish.” (Henry Ford Sr., 1922)
“The task of the proletariat is to create a still more powerful fatherland with a far greater power of resistance, the Republican United States of Europe, as the foundation of the United States of the World.” (Leon Trotzky (Bronstein), Bolshevism and World Peace, 1918)
Count Czernin, Austrian foreign minister wrote: “This Russian bolshevism is a peril to Europe, and if we had the power, beside securing a tolerable peace for ourselves, to force other countries into a state of law and order, then it would be better to have nothing to do with such people as these, but to march on Petersburg and arrange matters there. Their leaders are almost all of them Jews, with altogether fantastic ideas, and I do not envy the country that is government by them. The way they begin is this: Everything in the least reminiscent of work, wealth, and culture, must be destroyed, and the Bourgeoisie [Middle Class] Exterminated. Freedom and equality seem no longer to have any place on their program: only a bestial suppression of all but the proletariat itself.” (Waters Flowing Eastward, p. 46-47)
“Rollin, Pierred Leroux, and a group of socialists, among whom was Maurice Joly [His father was Philippe Lambert Joly, born at Dieppe, Attorney-General of the Jura under Louis-Philippe for ten years. His mother Florentine Corbara Courtois, was the daughter of Laurent Courtois, paymaster-general of Corsica, who had an inveterate hatred of Napoleon I. Maurice Joly was born in 1831 at Lons-le-Saulnier and educated at Dijon: there he had begun his law studies, but left for Paris in 1849 to secure a post in the Ministry of the Interior under M. Chevreau and just before the coup d’etat. He did not finish his law studies till 1860. [Committed suicide in 1878].
Joly, some thirty years younger than Cremieux, with an inherited hatred of the Bonapartes, seems to have fallen very largely under his influence. Through Cremieux, Joly became acquainted with communists and their writings. Though, until 1871 when his ambition for a government post turned him into a violent communist, he had not in 1864 gone beyond socialism, he was so impressed with the way they presented their arguments that he could not, if the chance were offered, refrain from imitating it.
And this chance came in 1864-1865, when his hatred of Napoleon, whetted by Cremieux, led him to publish anonymously in Brussels the Dialogues aux Enfers entre Machiavelli et Montesquieu. In this work he tells us, ‘Machiavelli represents the policy of Might, while Montesquieu stands for that of Right: Machiavelli will be Napoleon, who will himself describe his abominable policy.’ It was natural that he should choose the Italian Machiavelli to stand for Bonaparte, and the Frenchman Montesquieu, for the ideal statesman: it was equally natural that he should put in the mouth of Machiavelli some of the same expressions which Venedey had put in it, and which Joly had admired. His own view was: ‘Socialism seems to me one of the forms of a new life for the people emancipated from the traditions of the old world. I accept a great many of the solutions offered by socialism; but I reject communism, either as a social factor, or as a political institution. Communism is but a school of socialism. In politics, I understand extreme means to gain one’s ends, in that at least, I am a Jacobin.”
“Szamuelly travelled about Hungary in his special train; an eye witness gives the following description: ‘This train of death rumbled through the Hungarian night, and where it stopped, men hung from trees, and blood flowed in the streets. Along the railway line one often found naked and mutilated corpses. Szamuelly passed sentence of death in the train and those forced to enter it never related what they had seen. Szamuelly lived in it constantly, thirty Chinese terrorists watched over his safety; special executioners accompanied him. The train was composed of two saloon cars, two first class cars reserved for the terrorists and two third class cars reserved for the victims. In the later the executions took place. the floors were stained with blood. the corpses were thrown from the windows while Szamuelly sat at his dainty little writing table, in the saloon car upholstered in pink silk and ornamented with mirrors. A single gesture of his hand dealt out life or death.'” (C. De Tormay, Le livre proscrit, p. 204. Paris, 1919, The Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, p. 122)
“When the Jew applies his thought, his whole soul to the cause of the workers and the despoiled, of the disinherited of this world, his fundamental quality is that he goes to the root of things. In Germany he becomes a Marx and a Lasalle, a Haas and an Edward Bernstein; in Austria Victor Adler, Friedrich Adler; in Russia, Trotsky. Compare for an instant the present situation in Germany and Russia: the revolution there has liberated creative forces, and admire the quantity of Jews who were there ready for active and immediate service. Revolutionaries, Socialists, Mensheviks, Bolsheviks, Majority or Minority Socialists, whatever name one assigns to them, all are Jews and one finds them as the chiefs or the workers IN ALL REVOLUTIONARY PARTIES.” (Rabbi J.L. Manges, speaking in New York in 1919; The Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, p. 128)
The Jew Weininger, has explained why so many Jews are communists: “Communism is not only a national belief but it implies the giving up of real property especially of landed property, and the Jews, being international, have never acquired the taste for real property. They prefer money, which is an instrument of power.” (The Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, p. 137)
“The socialist intellectual may write of the beauties of nationalization, of the joy of working for the common good without hope of personal gain: the revolutionary working man sees nothing to attract him in all this. Question him on his ideas of social transformation, and he will generally express himself in favor of some method by which he will acquire something he has not got; he does not want to see the rich man’s car socialized by the state, he wants to drive about in it himself. The revolutionary working man is thus in reality not a socialist but an anarchist at heart. Nor in some cases is this unnatural. That the man who enjoys none of the good things of life should wish to snatch his share must at least appear comprehensible. What is not comprehensible is that he should wish to renounce all hope of ever possessing anything.” (N.H. Webster, Secret Societies and Subversive Movement, p. 327; The Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, p. 138)
“In our decrees, it is definitely proclaimed that religion is a question for the private individual; but whilst opportunists tended to see in these words the meaning that the state would adopt the policy of folded arms, the Marxian revolutionary recognizes the duty of the state to lead a most resolute struggle against religion by means of ideological influences on the proletarian masses.” (The Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, p. 144)
“In 1923, Trotsky, and Lunatcharsky presided over a meeting in Moscow organized by the propaganda section of the Communist party to judge God. Five thousand men of the Red Army were present. The accused was found guilty of various ignominious acts and having had the audacity to fail to appear, he was condemned in default.” (Ost Express, January 30, 1923. Cf. Berliner Taegeblatt May 1, 1923. See the details of the Bolshevist struggle against religion in The Assault of Heaven by A. Valentinoff (Boswell); The Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, p. 144-145)
“In that which concerns the Jews, their part in world socialism is so important that it is impossible to pass it over in silence. Is it not sufficient to recall the names of the great Jewish revolutionaries of the 19th and 20th centuries, Karl Marx, Lassalle, Kurt Eisner, Bela Kuhn, Trotsky, Leon Blum, so that the names of the theorists of modern socialism should at the same time be mentioned? If it is not possible to declare Bolshevism, taken as a whole, a Jewish creation it is nevertheless true that the Jews have furnished several leaders to the Marximalist movement and that in fact they have played a considerable part in it.
Jewish tendencies towards communism, apart from all material collaboration with party organizations, what a strong confirmation do they not find in the deep aversion which, a great Jew, a great poet, Henry Heine felt for Roman Law! The subjective causes, the passionate causes of the revolt of Rabbi Aquiba and of Bar Kocheba in the year 70 A.D. against the Pax Romana and the Jus Romanum, were understood and felt subjectively and passionately by a Jew of the 19th century who apparently had maintained no connection with his race!
Both the Jewish revolutionaries and the Jewish communists who attack the principle of private property, of which the most solid monument is the Codex Juris Civilis of Justinianus, of Ulpian, etc…are doing nothing different from their ancestors who resisted Vespasian and Titus. In reality it is the dead who speak.” (Kadmi Kohen: Nomades. F. Alcan, Paris, 1929, p. 26; The Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, pp. 157-158)
“It would however be incomplete in this respect if we did not join to it, cause or consequence of this state of mind, the predominance of the idea of Justice. Moreover and the offset is interesting, it is the idea of Justice, which in concurrence, with the passionalism of the race, is at the base of Jewish revolutionary tendencies. It is by awakening this sentiment of justice that one can promote revolutionary agitation. Social injustice which results from necessary social inequality, is however, fruitful: morality may sometimes excuse it but never justice.
The doctrine of equality, ideas of justice, and passionalism decide and form revolutionary tendencies. Undiscipline and the absence of belief in authority favors its development as soon as the object of the revolutionary tendency makes its appearance. But the ‘object’ is possessions: the object of human strife, from time immemorial, eternal struggle for their acquisition and their repartition. This is Communism fighting the principle of Private Property.
Even the instinct of property, moreover, the result of attachment to the soil, does not exist among the Jews, these nomads, who have never owned the soil and who have never wished to own it. Hence their undeniable communist tendencies from the days of antiquity.” (Kadmi Cohen, pp. 81-85; Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon de Poncins, pp. 194-195)