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Dirty Little Secrets Of WWII

The Hidden, Awkward Origins of World War 2

By Jason Collett

The unexpected views of four key diplomats who were close to events. Just consider the following:

Joseph P. Kennedy, U.S. Ambassador to Britain during the years immediately preceding WW2 was the father of the famous American Kennedy dynasty. James Forrestal the first US Secretary of Defence (1947-1949) quotes him as saying „Chamberlain (the British Prime Minister) stated that America and the world Jews had forced England into the war“. (The Forrestal Diaries ed. Millis, Cassell 1952 p.129).

Count Jerzy Potocki, the Polish Ambassador in Washington, in a report to the Polish Foreign Office in January 1939, is quoted approvingly by the highly respected British military historian Major-General JFC Fuller. Concerning public opinion in America he says „Above all, propaganda here is entirely in Jewish hands when bearing public ignorance in mind, their propaganda is so effective that people have no real knowledge of the true state of affairs in Europe It is interesting to observe that in this carefully thought-out campaign no reference at all is made to Soviet Russia. If that country is mentioned, it is referred to in a friendly manner and people are given the impression that Soviet Russia is part of the democratic group of countries Jewry was able not only to establish a dangerous centre in the New World for the dissemination of hatred and enmity, but it also succeeded in dividing the world into two warlike camps President Roosevelt has been given the power… to create huge reserves in armaments for a future war which the Jews are deliberately heading for.“ (Fuller, JFC: The Decisive Battles of the Western World vol. 3 pp 372-374.)

Hugh Wilson, the American Ambassador in Berlin until 1938, the year before the war broke out, found anti-Semitism in Germany ‘understandable’. This was because before the advent of the Nazis, „the stage, the press, medicine and law [were] crowded with Jews among the few with money to splurge, a high proportion [were] Jews the leaders of the Bolshevist movement in Russia, a movement desperately feared in Germany, were Jews. One could feel the spreading resentment and hatred.“ (Hugh Wilson: Diplomat between the Wars, Longmans 1941, quoted in Leonard Mosley, Lindbergh, Hodder 1976).

Sir Neville Henderson, British Ambassador in Berlin ‘said further that the hostile attitude in Great Britain was the work of Jews and enemies of the Nazis, which was what Hitler thought himself’ (Taylor, AJP: The Origins of the Second World War Penguin 1965, 1987 etc. p 324).

Is all of this merely attributable to terrible ‘anti-Semitism’?

The economic background to the war is necessary for a fuller understanding, before casting judgement on the originators of these viewpoints.

At the end of the First World War, Germany was essentially tricked [see Paul Johnson A History of the Modern World (1983) p24 and H. Nicholson Peace making 1919 (1933) pp13-16] into paying massive reparations to France and other economic competitors and former belligerent countries in terms of the so-called Treaty of Versailles, thanks to the liberal American President Woodrow Wilson. Germany was declared to be solely responsible for the war, in spite of the fact that ‘Germany did not plot a European war, did not want one, and made genuine efforts, though too belated, to avert one.’ (Professor Sydney B Fay The Origins of the World War (vol. 2 p 552)).

As a result of these massive enforced financial reparations, by 1923 the situation in Germany became desperate and inflation on an astronomical scale became the only way out for the government. Printing presses were engaged to print money around the clock. In 1921 the exchange rate was 75 marks to the dollar. By 1924 this had become about 5 trillion marks to the dollar. This virtually destroyed the German middle class (Koestler The God that Failed p 28), reducing any bank savings to a virtual zero.

According to Sir Arthur Bryant the British historian (Unfinished Victory (1940 pp. 136-144):

‘It was the Jews with their international affiliations and their hereditary flair for finance who were best able to seize such opportunities… They did so with such effect that, even in November 1938, after five years of anti-Semitic legislation and persecution, they still owned, according to the Times correspondent in Berlin, something like a third of the real property in the Reich. Most of it came into their hands during the inflation.. But to those who had lost their all this bewildering transfer seemed a monstrous injustice. After prolonged sufferings they had now been deprived of their last possessions. They saw them pass into the hands of strangers, many of whom had not shared their sacrifices and who cared little or nothing for their national standards and traditions. The Jews obtained a wonderful ascendancy in politics, business and the learned professions (in spite of constituting) less than one percent of the population.

The banks, including the Reichsbank and the big private banks, were practically controlled by them. So were the publishing trade, the cinema, the theatres and a large part of the press ­ all the normal means, in fact, by which public opinion in a civilized country is formed.. The largest newspaper combine in the country with a daily circulation of four millions was a Jewish monopoly.. Every year it became harder and harder for a gentile to gain or keep a foothold in any privileged occupation.. At this time it was not the ‘Aryans’ who exercised racial discrimination. It was a discrimination that operated without violence. It was exercised by a minority against a majority. There was no persecution, only elimination.. It was the contrast between the wealth enjoyed ­ and lavishly displayed ­ by aliens of cosmopolitan tastes, and the poverty and misery of native Germans, that has made anti-Semitism so dangerous and ugly a force in the new Europe. Beggars on horseback are seldom popular, least of all with those whom they have just thrown out of the saddle.“

Goodness gracious, Sir Arthur! What made you get out of the wrong side of the bed?

Strangely enough, a book unexpectedly published by Princeton University Press in 1984, Sarah Gordon (Hitler, Germans and the „Jewish Question“) essentially confirms what Bryant says. According to her, ‘Jews were never a large percentage of the total German population; at no time did they exceed 1% of the population during the years 1871-1933.’ But she adds ‘Jews were over-represented in business, commerce, and public and private service.. They were especially visible in private banking in Berlin, which in 1923 had 150 private Jewish banks, as opposed to only 11 private non-Jewish banks.. They owned 41% of iron and scrap iron firms and 57% of other metal businesses.. Jews were very active in the stock market, particularly in Berlin, where in 1928 they comprised 80% of the leading members of the stock exchange. By 1933, when the Nazis began eliminating Jews from prominent positions, 85% of the brokers on the Berlin Stock exchange were dismissed because of their „race“.. At least a quarter of full professors and instructors (at German universities) had Jewish origins.. In 1905-6 Jewish students comprised 25% of the law and medical students.. In 1931, 50% of the 234 theatre directors in Germany were Jewish, and in Berlin the number was 80%.. In 1929 it was estimated that the per capita income of Jews in Berlin was twice that of other Berlin residents..’ etc etc.

Arthur Koestler confirms the Jewish over-involvement in German publishing. ‘Ullstein’s was a kind of super-trust; the largest organization of its kind in Europe, and probably In the world. They published four daily papers in Berlin alone, among these the venerable Vossische Zeitung, founded in the eighteenth century, and the B.Z. am Mittag, an evening paper.. Apart from these, Ullstein’s published more than a dozen weekly and monthly periodicals, ran their own news service, their own travel agency, etc., and were one of the leading book publishers. The firm was owned by the brothers Ullstein – they were five, like the original Rothschild brothers, and like them also, they were Jews.’ (The God that Failed (1950) ed. RHS Crossman, p 31).

Edgar Mowrer, Berlin correspondent for the Chicago Daily News, wrote an anti-German tract called Germany Puts the Clock Back (published as a Penguin Special and reprinted five times between December 1937 and April 1938). He nevertheless notes ‘In the all-important administration of Prussia, any number of strategic positions came into the hands of Hebrews.. A telephone conversation between three Jews in Ministerial offices could result in the suspension of any periodical or newspaper in the state.. The Jews came in Germany to play in politics and administration that same considerable part that they had previously won by open competition in business, trade, banking, the Press, the arts, the sciences and the intellectual and cultural life of the country. And thereby the impression was strengthened that Germany, a country with a mission of its own, had fallen into the hands of foreigners.’

Mowrer says ‘No one who lived through the period from 1919 to 1926 is likely to forget the sexual promiscuity that prevailed.. Throughout a town like Berlin, hotels and pensions made vast fortunes by letting rooms by the hour or day to baggageless, unregistered guests. Hundreds of cabarets, pleasure resorts and the like served for purposes of getting acquainted and acquiring the proper mood..’ (pp. 153-4). Bryant describes throngs of child prostitutes outside the doors of the great Berlin hotels and restaurants. He adds ‘Most of them (the night clubs and vice-resorts) were owned and managed by Jews. And it was the Jews.. among the promoters of this trade who were remembered in after years.’ (pp. 144-5).

Douglas Reed, Chief Central European correspondent before WWII for the London Times, was profoundly anti-German and anti-Hitler. But nevertheless he reported: ‘I watched the Brown Shirts going from shop to shop with paint pots and daubing on the window panes the word „Jew“, in dripping red letters. The Kurfürstendamm was to me a revelation. I knew that Jews were prominent in business life, but I did not know that they almost monopolized important branches of it. Germany had one Jew to one hundred gentiles, said the statistics; but the fashionable Kurfürstendamm, according to the dripping red legends, had about one gentile shop to ninety-nine Jewish ones.’ (Reed Insanity Fair (1938) p. 152-3). In Reed’s book Disgrace Abounding of the following year he notes ‘In the Berlin (of pre-Hitler years) most of the theatres were Jewish-owned or Jewish-leased, most of the leading film and stage actors were Jews, the plays performed were often by German, Austrian or Hungarian Jews and were staged by Jewish film producers, applauded by Jewish dramatic critics in Jewish newspapers.. The Jews are not cleverer than the Gentiles, if by clever you mean good at their jobs. They ruthlessly exploit the common feeling of Jews, first to get a foothold in a particular trade or calling, then to squeeze the non-Jews out of it.. It is not true that Jews are better journalists than Gentiles. They held all the posts on those Berlin papers because the proprietors and editors were Jewish’ (pp238-9).

The Jewish writer Edwin Black notes ‘For example, in Berlin alone, about 75% of the attorneys and nearly as many of the doctors were Jewish.’ (Black,The Transfer Agreement (1984) p58.

To cap it all, Jews were perceived as dangerous enemies of Germany after Samuel Untermeyer, the leader of the World Jewish Economic Federation, declared war on Germany on August 6 1933. (Edwin Black The Transfer Agreement: the Untold Story of the Secret Pact between the Third Reich and Palestine (1984) pp272-277) According to Black, ‘The one man who most embodied the potential death blow to Germany was Samuel Untermeyer.’ (p 369). This was the culmination of a worldwide boycott of German goods led by international Jewish organizations. The London Daily Express on March 24, 1933 carried the headline Judea Declares War on Germany. The boycott was particularly motivated by the German imposition of the Nuremberg Laws, which ironically were similar in intent and content to the Jewish cultural exclusivism practiced so visibly in present-day Israel (Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem p 7).

Hitler saw the tremendous danger posed to Germany by Communism. He appreciated the desperate need to eliminate this threat, a fact that earned him the immense hatred and animosity of the Jewish organisations and the media and politicians of the west which they could influence. After all, according to the Jewish writer Chaim Bermant, although Jews formed less than five percent of Russia’s population, they formed more than fifty percent of its revolutionaries. According to the Jewish writer Chaim Bermant in his book The Jews (1977, chapter 8):

‘It must be added that most of the leading revolutionaries who convulsed Europe in the final decades of the last century and the first decades of this one, stemmed from prosperous Jewish families.. They were perhaps typified by the father of revolution, Karl Marx.. Thus when, after the chaos of World War I, revolutions broke out all over Europe, Jews were everywhere at the helm; Trotsky, Sverdlov, Kamenev and Zinoviev in Russia, Bela Kun in Hungary, Kurt Eisner in Bavaria, and, most improbable of all, Rosa Luxemburg in Berlin.

‘To many outside observers, the Russian revolution looked like a Jewish conspiracy, especially when it was followed by Jewish-led revolutionary outbreaks in much of central Europe. The leadership of the Bolshevik Party had a preponderance of Jews.. Of the seven members of the Politburo, the inner cabinet of the country, four, Trotsky (Bronstein), Zinoviev (Radomsky), Kamenev (Rosenfeld) and Sverdlov, were Jews.’ Other authors agree with this:

„There has been a tendency to circumvent or simply ignore the significant role of Jewish intellectuals in the German Communist Party, and thereby seriously neglect one of the genuine and objective reasons for increased anti-Semitism during and after World War 1.. The prominence of Jews in the revolution and early Weimar Republic is indisputable, and this was a very serious contributing cause for increased anti-Semitism in post-war years.. It is clear then that the stereotype of Jews as socialists and communists… led many Germans to distrust the Jewish minority as a whole and to brand Jews as enemies of the German nation.“ (Sarah Gordon Hitler, Germans and the ‘Jewish Question’ Princeton University Press (1984) p 23).

„The second paroxysm of strong anti-Semitism came after the critical role of Jews in International Communism and the Russian Revolution and during the economic crises of the 1920s and 30s Anti-Semitism intensified throughout Europe and North America following the perceived and actual centrality of Jews in the Russian Revolution.. Such feelings were not restricted to Germany, or to vulgar extremists like the Nazis. All over Northern Europe and North America, anti-Semitism became the norm in ‘nice society’, and ‘nice society’ included the universities.“ (Martin Bernal, Black Athenavol. 1 pp. 367, 387).

„The major role Jewish leaders played in the November (Russian) revolution was probably more important than any other factor in confirming (Hitler’s) anti-Semitic beliefs.“ (J&S Pool, Who Financed Hitler, p.164).

Hitler came to power in Germany with two main aims, the rectification of the unjust provisions of the Versailles Treaty, and the destruction of the Soviet/ Communist threat to Germany. Strangely enough, contrary to the mythology created by those who had an opposing ethnic agenda, he had no plans or desire for a larger war of conquest. Professor AJP Taylor showed this in his book The Origins of the Second World War, to the disappointment of the professional western political establishment. Taylor says, „The state of German armament in 1939 gives the decisive proof that Hitler was not contemplating general war, and probably not intending war at all“ (p.267), and „Even in 1939 the German army was not equipped for a prolonged war; and in 1940 the German land forces were inferior to the French in everything except leadership“ (p104-5). What occurred in Europe in 1939-41 was the result of unforeseen weaknesses and a tipping of the balance of power, and Hitler was an opportunist ‘who took advantages whenever they offered themselves’ (Taylor). Britain and France declared war on Germany, not the other way around. Hitler wanted peace with Britain, as the German generals admitted (Basil Liddell Hart, The Other Side of the Hill 1948, Pan Books 1983) with regard to the so-called Halt Order at Dunkirk, where Hitler had the opportunity to capture the entire British Army, but chose not to. Liddell Hart, one of Britain’s most respected military historians, quotes the German General von Blumentritt with regard to this Halt Order:

„He (Hitler) then astonished us by speaking with admiration of the British Empire, of the necessity for its existence, and of the civilisation that Britain had brought into the world. He remarked, with a shrug of the shoulders, that the creation of its Empire had been achieved by means that were often harsh, but ‘where there is planning, there are shavings flying’. He compared the British Empire with the Catholic Church ­ saying they were both essential elements of stability in the world. He said that all he wanted from Britain was that she should acknowledge Germany’s position on the Continent. The return of Germany’s colonies would be desirable but not essential, and he would even offer to support Britain with troops if she should be involved in difficulties anywhere..“ (p 200).

According to Liddell Hart, „At the time we believed that the repulse of the Luftwaffe in the ‘Battle over Britain’ had saved her. That is only part of the explanation, the last part of it. The original cause, which goes much deeper, is that Hitler did not want to conquer England. He took little interest in the invasion preparations, and for weeks did nothing to spur them on; then, after a brief impulse to invade, he veered around again and suspended the preparations. He was preparing, instead, to invade Russia“ (p140).

David Irving in the foreword to his book The Warpath (1978) refers to „the discovery… that at no time did this man (Hitler) pose or intend a real threat to Britain or the Empire.“

This gives a completely different complexion, not only to the war, but to the successful suppression of this information during the war and afterwards. Historians today know only too well where the boundaries lie within which they can paint their pictures of the war and its aftermath, and the consequences of venturing beyond those boundaries, irrespective of the evidence. Unfortunately, only too few of them have been prepared to have the courage to break out of this dreadful straitjacket of official and unofficial censorship.


New World Order – Communism by the Backdoor – Part 16

By Denis Wise

Usury – The Cancer of the World


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David Irving Discusses the Inevitable Slow Demise of “Battleship Auschwitz”, Flagship of the Holocaust Legend.


David Irving discusses the inevitable slow demise of the “Battleship Auschwitz”, flagship of the Holocaust legend.

Caricatures from “Der Stürmer” – translated in English and colourized – The Year 1937 – Part 8!

The Year 1937 – Part 8











Is Israel Indoctrinating Children with Talmudic Teachings to Rape and Kill Non-Jews?


Disclaimer: This video is from an Orthodox Christian YouTube channel, which has reuploaded a talk by a jewish man exposing Israel’s hatred of “goyim”.

Jews pretend to be the world’s greatest humanitarians, fighting hard for the rights of women and oppressed groups, yet how do they conduct themselves in Israel?

50 000 Palestinian Children Imprisoned by Israeli Kangaroo Courts Since 1967


By Whitney Webb

JERUSALEM – According to figures released by the Prisoners’ and Freed Prisoners’ Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) on Sunday, the state of Israel has imprisoned more than 50,000 children since the occupation of Palestine’s West Bank began in 1967. The PLO report, which was cited by Middle East Monitor, also noted that around 17,000 of those child arrests had occurred since the year 2000. The report used the UN definition that states that a child is any person younger than 18 years of age. However, Israel’s government has defined children younger than 16 as children, while applying the UN definition to Israeli children.

The PLO report – titled “Child Detention… Facts and Statistics… Effects on the Reality and Future of Palestinian Childhood” – was made public as the head of the PLO Prisoner committee, Abdul Nasser Ferwaneh, gave testimony to the 5th European Union conference in support of prisoners. In delivering his report and testimony, Ferwaneh noted that the rate of child imprisonment by the Israeli state had nearly doubled, averaging around 700 children imprisoned annually from 2000 to 2010 but rising to around 1,250 between 2011 and 2018.

Defense for Children International Palestine (DCIP), citing data from the Israeli Prison Service (IPS) and Israeli army temporary detention facilities, recently reported that 414 Palestinian children were imprisoned by Israeli military courts in just the first two months of 2019.

An apartheid system with kangaroo courts

Since 1967, Palestinian children have been subjected to Israeli military law while Israeli settlers living in illegal West Bank settlements are governed by Israel’s civilian criminal legal system. Aside from the fact that subjecting two different populaces in the same area to two different legal systems is a clear manifestation of apartheid, Israel is the only country in the world that automatically tries children in military courts, courts that lack basic fair trial guarantees and have a near-automatic conviction rate. In addition, many Palestinian children are arbitrarily detained, or imprisoned without charge.

Most Palestinian children tried in military court are accused of throwing stones – which, as of 2015, can carry a maximum sentence of 20 years in prison. No Israeli child has ever been tried in an Israeli military court.

Children in detention in Israeli jails are often subjected to various forms of abuse, including “slapping, beating, kicking and violent pushing” as well as verbal abuse, according to prisoner-rights group Adameer. Adameer has also noted that Palestinian children are sometimes threatened with rape in order to extract confessions, which are often written in Hebrew – a language most Palestinian children can’t read or understand.

Obaida Akram Jawabra, a 15-year-old who has already been arrested twice by Israel, told DCIP that in prison “[Israeli] soldiers would beat me in places that would leave no marks so there wouldn’t be evidence on my body that I could use to testify against them.” Figures released by DCIP claim that 75 percent of Palestinian child prisoners report being subjected to physical violence while in prison and 62 percent report being subjected to verbal violence.

The majority of Palestinian children in detention are unable to receive family visits, since nearly 60 percent of all child detainees are transferred from the West Bank to Israeli prisons upon conviction. This practice, which violates the Fourth Geneva Convention – coupled with restrictions on Palestinians’ freedom of movement in the West Bank and the long delays in issuing permits for entry to Israel – prevents the vast majority of West Bank Palestinian families from visiting their imprisoned children.

While Israel’s government often touts itself as the “only democracy” in the Middle East, it is also the only government in the entire world that detains children through military courts with a near 100 percent conviction rate, something that even Saudi Arabia does not do. Israel’s practice of imprisoning Palestinian children is a clear violation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, ratified by Israel in 1991, as it routinely robs thousands of children of their right to a safe childhood.

Feature Photo | Israeli police place a Palestinian boy in a chokehold in Jerusalem’s Old City, July 17, 2017. Mahmoud Illean | AP

Whitney Webb is a MintPress News journalist based in Chile. She has contributed to several independent media outlets including Global Research, EcoWatch, the Ron Paul Institute and 21st Century Wire, among others. She has made several radio and television appearances and is the 2019 winner of the Serena Shim Award for Uncompromised Integrity in Journalism.

Adolf Hitler About the National-Socialist Movement

The National Socialist movement has become the German Reich, the German state. Behind the flag of the opposition of once marches today the German nation!

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

I created…a totally new movement, which from the very start, overcoming all manifestations of decay, had to build a new community.

Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin

When in the year 1919 the National Socialist movement came to life in order to replace the Marxist-democratic republic with a new Reich, this endeavor appeared to be an impossible silliness. It was precisely the quibbling people of reason, who thanks to a superficial historical education, at most managed to produce a pitying smile for such an attempt.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

One thing….is the first task of this movement: It wants to make the Germans national again, so that their fatherland is again over everything else for them.

Speech of July 14, 1923 in Munich

We have written the great Germanic ideal on our flags and will know how to fight to the last drop of blood for the same!

Speech of August 1, 1923 in Munich

Task of the movement is the conquest of German man for the power of the state.

Speech of February 26, 1934 in Munich

The first party days took place in 1920, 1921 and 1922. They were enlarged general member assemblies of the party back then almost completely limited to Munich and Bavaria. The first Reich Party Day with representatives from the rest of Germany as well took place on January 27, 1923 in Munich. Already in November of the same year came the ban of the movement. Only three years later we celebrated the memorable resurrection of our party days in Weimar. In 1927 the third Reich Party Day took place and this time, for the first time in Nuremberg, likewise the fourth Reich Party Day in 1929.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

If then no party day could be held anymore for many years, the blame was not on us, rather on the conditions. Already the attempt in 1930 to again meet in Nuremberg failed due to the resistance of our political opponents, of the Bavarian provincial government back then. For three years this bourgeois government sabotaged every additional such attempt. For the movement, however, the city should for all future be the location of our Reich Party Days, in which we for the first time proclaimed the new German will in a huge rally.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

When I think back on the time, when I spoke to eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen, twenty, thirty and fifty people, when I after a year had won sixty-four people for the movement, on the time, when our small circle widened more and more, then I must admit that what has been created today, when a river of millions of German folk comrades flows into our movement, represents something unique in German history.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Dusseldorf

Our movement at the time of its founding raised three demands: first, elimination of the peace treaty, second, unification of all Germans, third, soil for the nourishment of our nation.

Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich

There were two principles, which we back then buried in our hearts: first, to orient this on the most sober knowledge, and second, to disseminate this knowledge with the most ruthless truthfulness.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich

What do the millions of new people know, who today stand in the movement, about the miracle, which has taken place in Germany? They have not experienced what our revolutionary old friends experienced. They do not know the path of discipline, which led from the few hundred men of once to today. They have no idea how small it once was, what mountain-moving faith was needed thirteen, ten, nine, eight or seven years ago, to believe in the movement and to make sacrifices for it. For the movement had nothing else to give back then.

Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich

With the spirit do we want to conquer the nation, but with the fist to subdue anybody who dares to rape the spirit through terror. That was the foundation of the S.A., the party’s great arm of strength.

Speech of February 26, 1934 in Munich

Actually, the S.A. and the S.S. of the National Socialist party emerged without any assistance, without any financial support from the state, from the Reich or even from the Reichswehr, without any military training and without any military equipment – for purely political-party purposes and according to party-political considerations. Their purpose was and is solely the elimination of the communist threat, their training without any association with the army, only calculated for purposes of propaganda and enlightenment, psychological mass effect and breaking down communist terror. They are institutions for the development of a genuine community spirit, for the overcoming of previous class differences and for the elimination of the economic need.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin

My S.A. comrades! You, especially, are living witnesses for this will (for peaceful, constructive work); for your free will pulls you together in this community in which not theoretically, rather practically, the folk community finds its expression, a great community of mutual help, mutual support. You are the guarantors not only for the present, rather also for the German future.

Speech of October 22, 1933 in Kelheim

Out of forty-five million adults, three million fighters have organized themselves as the bearers of the political leadership of the nation. Today, however, the overwhelming majority of Germans affirms itself as supporters of their world of ideas. The folk has trustingly placed its fate into their hands. The organization, however, thereby assumes a solemn obligation.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg

We have extended our hand to millions of people who want to be active in the building. Millions of former opponents, they stand today in our ranks and, thanks to their work and thanks to their ability as helpers in the building, they are no less esteemed than our own old party comrades.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin

The commander of the S.A. is I and nobody else!

Speech of July 13, 1934 in Berlin

I want…that obedience, loyalty and comradeship dominate as transmitted principles. And just as each leader demands obedience from his men, so do I demand from the S.A. leaders respect for the law and obedience to my command.

Order to the S.A. of June 30, 1934

The S.A. man and the S.A. leader can be nothing but loyal, obedient, disciplined, modest and self-sacrificing – or he is not an S.A. man.

Address of September 9, 1934 in Nuremberg

I want to ask the lads that they make the oldsters (in the movement) their example, that they recognize that being a National Socialist is nothing external, that it is not about the clothing, not about meetings and stars, rather that it is about the heart!

Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich

The political leadership of a nation must seek the most essential difference from the rest of the folk not in greater pleasure, rather in stricter self-discipline!

Speech of February 7, 1934 in Berlin

I have…always demanded that higher demands are made on the behavior and manners of National Socialist leaders than among other folk comrades.

Speech of July 13, 1934 in Berlin

If it is demanded of a folk that it blindly trust its leadership, this leadership must, however, also earn this trust through performance and through especially good conduct. Individual mistakes and errors may be made, they can be corrected. Bad conduct… however, is unworthy of a leader, not National Socialistic and to the highest degree contemptible.

Speech of July 13, 1934 in Berlin

To those who always say the German cannot be unified, we have presented the most unified organization in the whole of German history.

Speech of February 26, 1934 in Munich

There is no novel of world history, which is more wonderful than our party’s development to its present greatness.

Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich

You, General Field Marshal (Reich President von Flindenburg), sir, have entrusted the Reich’s leadership to this young Germany in the magnanimous decision of January 30, 1933.

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam

Hardly a revolution of such magnitude has occurred so disciplined and bloodless as this uprising of the German folk…It is my will and my firm intention to care for this calm development in the future as well.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin

When has a revolution ever been carried out so without outrages like ours?

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

This is the eternal service of the National Socialist party and its organizations, it is the service of the brown guard: it prepared the German uprising, carried it out and concluded it almost without bloodshed and with unprecedented adherence to program .

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin

National Socialists, my party comrades! An incomparable victory has been won. The German folk owes it above all to your faithful loyalty and your never-tiring work…The unique greatness of the success is for all of you the greatest affirmation. The salvation of the fatherland, however, will one day be your thanks!

Thanks after the great election victory of November 12, 1933

The great principles, which have enabled the victory of these flags: those are the principles of loyalty, of obedience, of faith, of comradeship, of confidence, of courage and of perseverance.

Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich

We are National Socialists of fanatical disposition and no tightrope walkers of the so-called middle line!

Speech of May 1, 1923 in Munich

(It) was the fanatical faith in the movement’s victory, which was the prerequisite for any real later success. The psychologically most effective means, however, in this education was – next to the practice in daily struggle, the getting used to the enemy – the visible demonstration of membership in a great and strong movement! Thus our mass demonstrations served not only the winning of new supporters, rather above all the firming and moral strengthening of those already won.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

Our will was harder than the German need!

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin.

This our will, however, German folk and German worker, is also your will. It is the eternal will for self-preservation, which is possessed by every healthy creature and which, we thank our God, has also not forever left our German folk. It slumbers and is now awakened!

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin

The conflict with Marxism thus demanded from the start an organization, which according to its whole character was trained for and suited for this struggle.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

A community (those formed in the movement), which can be shaken by nothing at all.

Speech of January 3, 1935 in Berlin

Rise will the movement, which is ready to stand up for its ideal even to the final round!

Speech of August 21, 1923 in Munich

For them (those organized in the movement) it is not enough to simply make the affirmation: „I believe”, rather the oath: „I fight!”

Speech of November 9, 1934 in Nuremberg

We want to always be determined to act, always ready, if it is necessary, to die, never willing to capitulate!

Speech of November 9, 1934 in Munich

The National Socialist movement must affirm the heroism to rather take on any resistance and any distress than to even just once deny its principles recognized as correct.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

An organization, filled with the most eminent national feeling, built on the idea of the leadership’s absolute authority in all areas, in all stages – a single party, … which in its entire organization only knows responsibility, command and obedience, and thus for the first time in Germany’s political life integrates a manifestation of millions, which is based on the principle of performance.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Dusseldorf

In that it (the movement) puts through the principle of authority and discipline in the party organization from top to bottom in a straight line, it first obtains the moral right to demand the same from even the last folk comrade.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

The organization of a movement is a formal manifestation, even if it is ever so ingenious and in itself correct. Its inner worth is first given it by the people, who in its sense, embody the idea in life.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin

All for one and one for all!

Speech of September 7, 1934 in Nuremberg

People, who according to their social and economic origin mostly had a subordinate, yes, not seldom suppressed rank, had to politically obtain the conviction to one day represent the nation’s leadership. Already in the struggle, which we National Socialists had to survive against such a greatly superior force, forced on us the duty to, with all means, strengthen trust in the movement and hence the self-consciousness of the individual fighter.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

The movement…must take care that not the numeric size of this core is viewed as decisive, rather only its inner worth and hence its inner homogeneity. It must know that the selection in the future must proceed from the same hard principles, which hard fate imposed on us in the past.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg

One can become a party comrade by written application, but a National Socialist only through the shifting of meaning according to the urgent appeal of the own heart!

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin

The National Socialist party must…be convinced that it manages – thanks to the method of a selection conditioned by living struggle – to find the politically most capable human material in Germany and to unite it within itself. This community must among itself affirm the same law, which it wants to see obeyed by the mass of the nation. It must hence continuously educate itself in the thinking of affirmation of authority, of voluntary acceptance of the strictest discipline, in order to be able to give the same education to its followers. And it must hereby be hard and consequent.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

The conviction that our movement is not preserved by desire for money and gold, rather only by love for the folk, must again and again give freshness and fill us with courage for the struggle.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich

For this was the wonderful thing during this time of propagation of our idea, that it sent out its waves across the whole land and then pulled man after man and woman after woman into its orbit.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg

Just as we previously stepped before the folk in ten thousand, in a hundred thousand individual rallies in order to again and again ask for its vote, so must we in the future as well continue this struggle in ten thousand, in a hundred thousand rallies and assemblies.

Speech of February 26, 1934 in Munich

It is the greatest mission of the National Socialist movement to form the bridge between the individual occupations and ranks of our folk.

Speech to the folk comrades in Danzig of May 25, 1933

What the reason of the reasonable people could not see, was grasped by the sentiment, the heart and the instinct of these primitively simple, but healthy people!

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

We know that our movement became great precisely through this loyalty to principles.

Speech of November 9, 1933 in Munich

The party will hence through its political education work on the German folk have to make German man more and more spiritually immune against any relapse into the…past.

Proclamation of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

They (the members of the individual auxiliaries of the party) must never expect from the nation more virtue and sense of sacrifice than they themselves are ready a thousandfold to do, to give and to perform.

Speech of September 10, 1934 in Nuremberg

You, my office-holders, are responsible before God and our history that, through the political education of German people to one folk, to one idea, to one expression of will, a November 1918 is never again possible in German history.

Speech of September 2, 1033 in Nuremberg

This is the most mighty thing, which our movement should create: for these broad searching and erring masses a new faith, which does not leave them in this time of confusions, to which they can swear and on which they can build, so that they at least somewhere find a place, which gives their hearts rest.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich

We have not fought for fourteen years for the sake of a government position, rather in order to rejuvenate the German folk from the bottom up! Struggle and work for the folk alone can save us!

Speech of October 30, 1933 in Frankfurt am Main

Starting with the smallest S.A. man, who without any personal advantage is ready to risk his life and health for Germany’s future, up to us leaders, who have preferred to stand twelve years long in the despised and suppressed position of opposition dictated by inner conscience, all of us are dominated by just a single thought: More important than our own life is the life of our folk, Germany’s existence!

Open Letter to Brüning of October 14, 1931

The demands, which this struggle made on our movement, were enormous. It took just as much courage to bear mockery and scorn as heroism and bravery to combat the daily defamations and attacks. Tens of thousands of National Socialist fighters were wounded in this period and many killed. Many wandered in prisons, hundreds of thousands had to leave their last job or otherwise lost their existence.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin

Out of these struggles, however, grew the unshakeable guard of the National Socialist revolution, the band of millions of the political organization of the party, the S.A. and S.S. of the party. To them alone does the German folk owe its liberation from an insanity, which – had victory fallen to it – would not have just kept seven million unemployed, rather would have soon delivered thirty million to starvation!

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin

It is a unique and only ascribable to the National Socialist credit, that this economic decay with its horrible impoverishment of the masses did not became a self-perpetuating drive for the acceleration of the political catastrophe, rather much more led to a concentration of conscious fighters for a new, constructive and thus truly positive world-view.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin

For – regardless, whether one loves us or one hates us – one thing nobody can deny: A new spirit has filled the German folk, has awakened it to new life and given it the strength for works of labor and for accomplishments in all areas of a new folk formation, which are worthy of admiration!

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin

The gigantic organizations of our movement, its political institutions as well as the organizations of the S.A. and S.S. and the building of the Work Front, just like the state organizations of our army, they are national and social melting pots, in which gradually a new German man will be developed.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin

The party, S.A. and S.S., the political organization, the Work Service, the youth organizations, they are all means and tools of the inner forging together of our folk body and thus for the development of the energies lying within our folk into a truly peaceful, culture-promoting and also materially beneficial work.

Speech of June 18, 1934 in Gera

We no longer deserve any indictment in German history, rather deserve that one day one writes on our gravestones: „They have often been rough, they have been hard, they were inconsiderate, but they have been: good Germans!”

Speech of June 19, 1933 in Erfurt

My folk comrades…stick to this movement, fight for it, tight thus for the German folk and for the German Reich!

Speech of June 18, 1934 in Gera

I know today: Even if fate would take me away personally, this struggle would be continued and no longer come to an end. The movement ensures this!

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin

Adolf Hitler About Finance, Banking and Stock Market

The state is not the plantation of foreign capital interests! Capital is not the master of the state, rather its servant.

Speech of April 24, 1923 in Munich

We are today (due to the Marxist financial politics since 1918 up to the January revolution) so far that a folk of sixty million sees its fate in the will of a few dozen Jewish bankers.

Speech of September 18, 1922 in Munich

‘Stocks” rose and thereby the stock market gradually become the director of the whole national folk economy. Owners of this institution were, however,… without exception Jews.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich

The international stock market would be unthinkable and would have never come without its founders, the supranational, because strictly national, Jew.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich

The problem of short-term and long-term debt: The total change of the relationships in the world’s products markets demands an accommodation. Only from this trusting cooperation can a real lifting of the general cares emerge. Ten years of an upright peace will be more useful for the prosperity of all than thirty years persistence in the concepts of victors and vanquished.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin

We know…what the prerequisites are for a healthy exchange of goods and services between folks of the earth; for Germany has for years been forced (to provide) goods and services without reciprocal goods and services. This shows that the task to preserve Germany as an active link in the exchange of wares is less a trade-political than a financial-political one.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin

The attempt to avert such a development (the reparations payments forced on Germany caused an export reduction of the creditor states) by adjusting the restriction of German export through giving credit to enable payments was not very farsighted and in the end result wrong. For the transformation of indebtedness from political into private obligations lead to an interest service, whose fulfillment has to lead to the same results.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin

The worst thing…was that the development of domestic economic life was artificially hindered and destroyed. The struggle in the world markets through ongoing price reductions led to an over-escalation of the nationalization measures in the economy. The millions of our unemployed are the final result of this development. If one wanted to limit the reparations payments to product deliveries, this would have to lead to a no less great damaging of the domestic production of the thus advantaged folks. For product deliveries in the quantity coming into question are unthinkable without most severely threatening the condition of the domestic production of the folks.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin

It is the fault of the Versailles Treaty that it introduced a time in which the art of financial calculation seemed to kill economic reason.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin

I see…in the one-sided profiteering of our interest and loan capital a slow but sure throttling of the economy, just as in the one-sided emphasis on economics alone a gradual throttling of the folk!

“Adolf Hitler’s Program”, appeal for the election of July 31, 1932

As long as one did not allow us an objective regulation of our foreign debt corresponding to our strength, we were unfortunately compelled to maintain our currency forced economy. The Reich government is hence also obligated to maintain the dam against the flow of capital across the border. If the Reich government allows itself to be guided by these principles, it is certainly to be expected that foreign countries’ understanding will ease the integration of our Reich into the peaceful competition of nations.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin

The government will in principle avoid currency experiments.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin

An inflation of the kind of the November government is for us unthinkable. All ongoing disbursements are covered by the regular budget, long-term investments are at the given time financed by the loan budget.

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching

We protect the result of every honorable work, honest savings and honest property.

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching

Everything… was… only possible through the securing of our currency; for we have not enabled these (domestic political) measures through frivolous experiments, quite the opposite: during the same time, we have managed to decisively improve the financial situation of the Reich, of the provinces and municipalities and to put them in order.

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching

By all that it was tried to put in order on the hand the disorganized financial life of the Reich, of the provinces and of the municipalities through generous measures and on the other hand through the most brutal thrift.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin

We have taken up the struggle for the restoration of our finances; mighty refinancing or debt reduction projects have been realized or are in preparation.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

Huge sums are used for the reduction of production-killing taxes, roughly 300 million tax credit benefits the national economy this year.

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching

We can state with satisfaction that in the previous year alone savings have increased in Germany by about a billion. We have furthermore managed to so increase the rate of assets at set interest rates that a lowering of the interest level thereby practically set in.

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching

We will in the future, too, continue to lighten the debt burdens, to promote the formation of capital, and we will thereby use no method, which subordinates respect for property or contract rights.

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching

The confidence of the German saver will in the future as well not be disappointed by the government through any kind of arbitrary interventions or any kind of frivolous financial management.

Speech of March 21, 1934 in Unterhaching

Victory cannot be lacking to us! For our just and necessary struggle against the international stock market dictatorship serves only the recovery of our warmly loved German fatherland.

Speech of August 21,1923 in Munich

David Duke Radio: Why the Media Hates Nationalism

Hosted by David Duke; April 16, 2019 broadcast

Dr. Duke and Andy Hitchcock of UK on Why the ZioMedia Hates Nationalism & Examples of their promotion of Genocide!

Caricatures from “Der Stürmer” – translated in English and colourized – The Year 1937 – Part 7!

The Year 1937 – Part 7